To critics, he represents the aggressive, transactional politics that many Ugandans say has come to define the country’s modern power structure.

One thing is certain: Kabanda is far from being viewed as “Mr. Clean Sheet” in Uganda’s political arena.

Over the years, Kabanda’s name has repeatedly surfaced in controversial political debates, internal party disputes, and allegations surrounding influence peddling and political brokerage.

Critics within opposition circles and even sections of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) have accused him of operating as a political middleman — a figure who thrives in backroom negotiations, power deals, and factional battles.

Although many of the allegations remain politically driven and unproven, they have contributed to Kabanda’s growing reputation as one of the more controversial actors within Uganda’s evolving political establishment.

His public image has also been shaped by his combative communication style. Kabanda has often positioned himself aggressively in national debates, especially on issues involving Parliament, government critics, and internal NRM power struggles. That visibility has earned him political relevance, but it has also attracted scrutiny.

Recently, his name has resurfaced in discussions connected to the late former Speaker of Parliament Jacob Oulanyah.

Online speculation and political gossip have attempted to link various powerful figures to events surrounding Oulanyah’s death in 2022, despite the absence of evidence supporting claims of wrongdoing.

While no official investigation has implicated Kabanda in relation to Oulanyah’s death, the mere circulation of such allegations reflects how politically charged Uganda’s environment has become. In today’s climate, perception alone can become a weapon.

Political analysts argue that Uganda is experiencing a deeper internal contest over succession, influence, and control within the ruling elite.

As the country approaches another politically sensitive phase, figures like Kabanda are increasingly becoming symbols of a system where informal networks, loyalty structures, and patronage are seen as critical sources of power.

Kabanda’s critics frequently point to scandals and controversies surrounding Parliament and political lobbying, arguing that many influential actors have benefited from opaque relationships within government systems.

Others accuse politicians of using proximity to power to build influence rather than relying on ideology or public service.

Yet Kabanda also retains defenders who describe him as a loyal cadre unfairly targeted because of his political connections and willingness to openly confront opponents.

Supporters argue that in Uganda’s rough political environment, outspoken figures inevitably attract accusations and propaganda campaigns.

Still, even among some neutral observers, there is recognition that Uganda’s politics has increasingly blurred the line between governance, political survival, and personal influence.

The rise of personalities like Kabanda illustrates how modern Ugandan politics is no longer shaped solely by official offices or formal titles. Influence is now built through networks, media visibility, strategic alliances, and access to power centers.

As debates over accountability, corruption, and political succession continue, Kabanda’s name is likely to remain part of Uganda’s national conversation — admired by some, distrusted by others, but rarely ignored.

The post David Kabanda: The Controversial Political Operator at the Center of Uganda’s Power Debates appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON. Radio drama, a potent blend of entertainment, education, and cultural preservation, has historically shaped societies worldwide.

In Uganda, its roots trace to the colonial era, when British authorities introduced radio broadcasts in the early 20th century. These early audio plays were not merely entertainment but tools of colonial control, designed to suppress local traditions, propagate foreign values, and mobilize communities for state-driven projects like commercial farming and bulungi bwansi (communal labor).

Post-independence in 1962, radio dramas retained their significance, evolving into a medium for nation-building under Uganda’s fledgling government. Despite the advent of television, radio’s affordability and reach ensured its dominance, particularly through the state-owned Radio Uganda (now the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation- UBC Radio), which monopolized airwaves until the 1990s.

For over three decades, Radio Uganda’s dramas, broadcast in languages like Luganda, Runyakitara, and Luo, became a cultural cornerstone. They addressed themes ranging from public health and civic duty to political awareness, resonating deeply with rural and urban audiences alike.

Among the most iconic was W’okulira (“He Who Cries”), written by Wycliffe Kiyingi. Airing for 20 years, it featured Kadiidi a witty everyman whose struggles and triumphs mirrored those of ordinary Ugandans. The show’s blend of humor and social commentary made it a national treasure, influencing attitudes on issues like HIV/AIDS prevention, gender roles, and civic responsibility.

The 1990s saw a seismic shift as Uganda liberalized its media landscape, allowing private radio stations like Capital FM, Radio Sanyu, CBS FM, Radio Simba, Radio One, and Kaboozi Ku Bbiri to emerge. These stations infused fresh energy into radio drama, producing locally resonant content.

For instance, Radio Simba’s Kooti Lutikko (a courtroom political satire) and CBS FM’s Akiika Embuga (a socio-political allegory) tackled corruption, governance, and cultural erosion, often with biting humor. These dramas cultivated loyal followings, bridging generational divides and sparking public discourse.

However, their success also drew scrutiny, particularly as Uganda’s political climate grew tense under President Museveni’s autocratic National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime.

By the mid-2000s, rising public dissatisfaction with the NRM government triggered a crackdown on media freedom. The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), the state regulator, enforced draconian censorship laws, targeting content deemed “subversive” or critical of authorities.

Radio dramas, with their subtle allegories and mass appeal, were seen as threats. Stations faced fines, temporary closures, or license revocations if dramas allegedly “incited” audiences to demand accountability or protest injustices. For instance, CBS FM was shut down in 2009 after airing content linked to the 2009 Buganda Kingdom unrest, sending shockwaves through the industry.

Fearing financial ruin, private stations—dependent on advertising revenue—began phasing out dramas. Many replaced them with music, call-in shows, or neutral programming that avoided political themes. The loss of this creative space stifled not only artistic expression but also a vital channel for grassroots education.

By the 2010s, radio dramas had dwindled to sporadic NGO-sponsored campaigns, such as health initiatives or voter education drives, which rarely lasted beyond two years due to funding cycles.

Today, radio dramas survive primarily online, with activists and artists uploading politically charged audio plays to platforms like YouTube, Tik Tok and Facebook. Series like Tomorrow is Now, Gasimbagane ne Government (“Let Me Chat with the Government”) critique corruption and advocate for democratic reform.

However, internet access—hampered by high data costs and limited infrastructure—remains a luxury for most Ugandans, particularly in rural areas where radio once thrived.

Despite their decline, radio dramas’ legacy endures. They demonstrated the power of storytelling to unify, educate, and challenge power structures—a potential that persists even in a fractured media landscape.

Their demise underscores broader struggles: the tension between art and authoritarianism, the commodification of public airwaves, and the unmet promise of digital alternatives.

For Uganda to revive this medium, systemic reforms—from loosening censorship to investing in affordable internet—are essential. Until then, the echoes of Kadiidi and Kooti Lutikko serve as reminders of what was lost, and what could still be regained.

The post State Censorship, Commercialization Crush Uganda’s Radio Dramas appeared first on Daily Secrets.

Kampala, Uganda. As Kawempe North parliamentary by-election descended into chaos, Thursday, the arrests of two opposition lawmakers and multiple journalists—paired with a shocking military crackdown—have laid bare the escalating dangers faced by media workers.

The decision by Nation Media Group Uganda to withdraw Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda journalists from covering the polls, citing targeted attacks by soldiers and plainclothes agents, underscores a grim reality:  journalism has become a life-threatening act of defiance.

Daniel Kalinaki, the Nation Media group’s General Manager, framed the withdrawal as a reluctant survival tactic in a message posted on X.

“Our teams are being hunted, their equipment destroyed, and their lives endangered simply for documenting the truth,” he said.

This retreat marks an ugly situation revealing how far the state will go to silence scrutiny during pivotal political moments.

The Kawempe North by-election, triggered by the death of former MP Mohammed Ssegirinya, was meant to showcase democracy.

Instead, it has become a theater of repression. Heavy military deployment transformed the constituency into a militarized zone, with security forces firing live rounds, lobbing tear gas, and arbitrarily detaining opposition figures and journalists.

Among those arrested were Mawokota MP Kiyaga Hilderman and Bukomansimbi MP and reporters from Daily Monitor and NBS TV held at undisclosed locations. Among many arrested, tortured or missing is Abubaker Lubowa, Tamale Raymond.

Journalists recount being chased by soldiers, cameras smashed, and drones confiscated. “They don’t want the world to see how they’re rigging this election,” said Mikeal Kakumirizi, a photojournalist who fled after being beaten.

The assault on journalists is not new but has intensified under President Yoweri Museveni’s 38-year rule. Once a regional media leader, the country now ranks 132nd out of 180 in Reporters Without Borders’ 2023 Press Freedom Index, below war-torn Sudan.

Laws like the 2016 Computer Misuse Act and 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act are routinely weaponized to criminalize critical reporting. The Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda (HRNJ-U) documented 47 attacks on press personnel in 2023 alone—a 30% increase from 2022.

Independent outlets like Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda are frequent targets.

Journalists face arbitrary arrests, torture, and equipment seizures, while security forces act with impunity.

“The message is clear: toe the line or face consequences,” said Dr. Peter Mwesige of the African Centre for Excellence in.

The risks are existential. Journalists work in constant fear of reprisals—denied accreditation, barred from press briefings, or labeled “enemies of the state” for exposing corruption.

Media houses, meanwhile, face financial suffocation. Government-aligned businesses boycott independent outlets, starving them of ads.

The Kawempe crisis, however, reveals a darker trajectory. By silencing journalists during elections—the cornerstone of democracy—the state ensures skewed narratives and unchecked fraud. A 2023 Afrobarometer survey found 62% of Ugandans distrust electoral institutions, citing biased media coverage. Without transparency, public faith erodes further.

The international community, long silent, must pressure Kampala to end its war on truth-tellers. For now, reporters like those forced out of Kawempe North cling to a fragile hope: that their sacrifice will ignite a reckoning for Uganda’s fading democracy.

Uganda’s 2026 general elections loom as a flashpoint.

The post Uganda’s Press Freedom Crumbles Amid Electoral Repression appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The performing arts industry in Uganda (music, dance and drama) developed gradually since colonial time.

For many years the industry was seen as a sector that harbored spoilt people in society, rendering it one of the most despised professions in the country. This perception was largely built on the code of conduct that performing artists had back in the day.

Most of the artistes were drunkards and lived recklessly.

The industry, however, gained momentum from the mid and late 1990s, when performers at the time managed to put up a successful fight against foreign music especially from  the then Zaire now Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya.

The start of the new millennium saw the coming of the three music giants (Bobi Wine, Bebe Cool and Jose Chameleone) who transformed the industry into the modern and attractive industry that has attracted and employed thousands of Ugandans for the last two decades.

Not forgetting the tremendous contribution of the band music performers such as Ronald Mayinja, Mesach Semakula, Geofrey Lutaaya (now member of parliament Kakuuto on National Unity Platform-NUP card) among others.

In the last decade, the performing arts industry became one of the most attractive sectors where every parent wanted their children to belong.

However, the industry has had a great set back in the past 5 years when Hon Kyagulanyi Robert Sentamu (formerly Bobi Wine) got involved in active politics and put up great opposition to the ruling NRM party.

When he stood for the Kyadondo East parliamentary by election, Kyagulanyi was despised by the prominent political actors but his landslide win opened their eyes.

Many saw potential in him while others envied him. Nevertheless, he continued pursuing his political career and has a musician, he had a big following (fan base) which followed him in politics.

Uganda’s dictator General Museveni started by putting an indefinite ban on him and all his musical performances in 2017. This marked the beginning of the death of the industry because Bobi Wine stayed strong and focused on removing the dictator.

Kyagulanyi’s enthusiasm compelled General Museveni to employ the divide and rule tactic when he embarked on buying out performers to fight Bobi Wine. This was a great blow to the industry which neither the musicians nor the fans saw.

The divisions led to hatred amongst musicians and fans started boycotting and blacklisting their formerly favorite musicians. Social media became a fighting ground, insults, abuses and mockery became apparent. Because performers mainly depend on stage shows to earn, the dictator started giving them money to corrupt their support to him.The People Power Our Power slogan was used to punish whichever. musician sided with the dictator.

The former darlings and crowd pullers such as Ronald Mayinja, Catherine Kusaasira, had to flee the country temporality.

Eddie Kenzo who was the darling of young people became the most hated and criticized musicians. He turned into an NRM advocate and has literally abandoned his career to promote the dictatorship.

Kenzo had for many years represented Uganda in international awards and had won many of them but ever since he sided with the dictator he lost all endorsements and has never been nominated anywhere.

It’s coming to three years and he hasn’t recorded any new song. Bebe Cool who is now an NRM mobilizer has tried to remain consistent in the industry but the public boycotted his music. Jose Chemeleone is also entangled in political woes as he initially supported NRM, then went and supported Bobi Wine but ended up standing as a DP flag bearer. for the Kampala Lord Mayor seat.

The post Art silenced by Power’s grip appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The shocking murder of Muhsin Hendricks, recognized as the first openly gay imam globally, serves as a grim reminder of the lethal impact of homophobia and hate-driven violence.

Killed in South Africa on Saturday, Hendricks’ death has sent ripples of grief and anger across the LGBTQ+ community worldwide, prompting urgent reflections on the safety of queer individuals, especially those who challenge societal norms.

While investigators have yet to confirm the motive, the possibility that this was a hate crime is both plausible and deeply unsettling.

Hendricks’ life was a beacon of bravery and resilience. In 1996, he made history by publicly embracing his identity as a gay imam, a courageous act that positioned him at the crossroads of faith and self-expression.

Through the Al-Ghurbaah Foundation in Cape Town, he created a safe space for queer Muslims, offering support to those grappling with the intersection of their faith and sexual orientation.

Yet, his advocacy came with immense personal risk. Hendricks endured death threats and relentless opposition, as captured in the 2022 documentary  “The Radical” which chronicled his efforts to establish a mosque for LGBTQ+ Muslims.

“The need to be authentic was greater than the fear to die,” he once said—a statement that now feels hauntingly prophetic.

South Africa, despite its progressive constitution that protects LGBTQ+ rights, remains a perilous environment for queer individuals.

The country’s soaring murder rates, among the highest globally, are compounded by frequent acts of violence against the LGBTQ+ community. Hendricks’ killing is not an isolated tragedy but part of a disturbing trend targeting those who defy societal expectations.

The fact that his assailants remain unidentified highlights systemic failures in addressing hate crimes and safeguarding marginalized groups.

Reactions from religious and governmental bodies have been mixed. The Muslim Judicial Council of South Africa condemned Hendricks’ murder but reiterated its position that his views on same-sex relationships were “incompatible with Islamic teachings.”

This contradictory stance—denouncing violence while upholding discriminatory beliefs—reveals the deep-seated hypocrisy that fuels anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment.

Similarly, South Africa’s Department of Justice and Constitutional Development has vowed to monitor the case, but such assurances lack weight without tangible efforts to tackle the root causes of hate-driven violence.

Hendricks’ death is a sobering reminder that the fight for equality is fraught with danger and resistance. His murder is not just a loss for the LGBTQ+ community but for humanity at large.

It underscores the pressing need for governments, religious institutions, and civil society to confront homophobia and transphobia with unwavering resolve. Education, advocacy, and legal reforms are critical to dismantling the systems that perpetuate hate and violence.

In my country Uganda there is intensified LGBTQ+ persecution with harsh anti-gay laws, that has sparked global outrage. Activists face violence, arrests, and discrimination, while international calls for human rights protections grow.

As we mourn Muhsin Hendricks, we must also honor his legacy by continuing the struggle for a world where no one is forced to choose between their faith, identity, and safety. Silence in the face of such atrocities is complicity. It is time to raise our voices, take a stand, and demand justice for Hendricks and all those whose lives have been cut short by hate.

The writer is a journalist and rights activist 

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The sight of Dr. Kizza Besigye, a four-time presidential candidate and leading opposition figure, visibly frail and struggling to breathe at Buganda Road court in Kampala on Friday, is a damning indictment of Uganda’s justice system.

Besigye’s weakened state, reportedly due to a hunger strike protesting his unlawful detention, has sparked outrage and raised urgent questions about the government’s commitment to the rule of law. Despite a Supreme Court order for his release, Besigye remains behind bars, flagrantly violating both Ugandan law and international human rights standards. This is not just a political issue—it is a moral crisis exposing the erosion of democracy under President Yoweri Museveni’s regime.

Uganda’s judiciary has been systematically undermined by executive interference. Last month, the Supreme Court ruled that civilians cannot be tried in military courts—a landmark decision for justice. President Museveni responded that the country was not being ruled by Judges but guerrillas-he led through a civil from 1980 until he seized government in 1986.

Besigye’s continued detention on military charges makes a mockery of the Supreme Court ruling. By defying the court, the government violates Article 28 of Uganda’s Constitution, which guarantees the right to a fair trial, and Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which prohibits arbitrary detention. Uganda’s actions betray its legal and international obligations.

The government’s claim that Besigye is in “good health” and not on a hunger strike is a blatant attempt to mislead the public. Eyewitness accounts from his associates paint a starkly different picture, describing him as weak and struggling to breathe. This contradiction raises serious concerns about the transparency of Uganda’s prison system. If the authorities have nothing to hide, why deny independent medical assessments? The refusal suggests a deliberate effort to conceal the truth and suppress dissent.

Besigye’s detention is a chilling reminder of the shrinking space for political opposition in Uganda. By targeting him, the government sends a clear message: challenge the status quo, and face harsh reprisals. This strategy is not only undemocratic but also dangerously shortsighted.

The international community must join Ugandans to act. Uganda’s actions violate both domestic and international law. The African Union and the United Nations must hold Uganda accountable for its disregard of judicial independence and political freedoms. Besigye’s imprisonment is not just an attack on one man—it is an assault on democracy and justice. Allowing such impunity sets a dangerous precedent for authoritarian regimes globally.

On January 9, former National unity Platform Kawempe North Member of Parliament Mohammed Ssegirinya died. The public blamed a judge Lawrence Tweyanze for being used by the state to deny Ssegirinya bail to seek specialised medical care. Dr. Kizza Besigye’s lawyer Erias Lukwago has called for the release Besigye to enable him get medical attention to no heed. The chief of the Uganda Defence Forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba insists Kiiza Besigye will leave Luzira Prison in coffin- scenario that could cause chaos if it did happen. Release Dr Besigye to deter chaos and honor the Supreme Court’s ruling.

The writer is a journalist and human rights activist

The post Uganda’s erosion of Justice: The plight of Dr. Kizza Besigye appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The duo’s desperate attempt to position themselves as corruption crusaders was not only shunned by Ugandans but also snubbed by their own PLU colleagues, leaving them exposed as opportunistic frauds.

The protest, ostensibly aimed at condemning corruption in Parliament, quickly unraveled when the public scrutinized the integrity—or lack thereof—of its organizers.

Leading the charge was none other than Michael Mawanda, a man currently battling serious corruption charges in the Anti-Corruption Court, accused of stealing a staggering 169 billion shillings earmarked for compensation of Cooperatives. He maintains innocence.

This isn’t Mawanda’s first dance with scandal; in 2013, he was arrested in Mumbai, India, alongside Hon. Isaac Musumba for defrauding an investor of 50 billion shillings. They were freed and reportedly face no further prosecution.

The irony of Mawanda—a man with alleged corruption scandals hanging over his head—leading an anti-corruption protest wasn’t lost on the public.

“How can alleged thieves lead a demonstration against thieves? Has Mawanda even been cleared of his charges before pretending to fight corruption?” questioned Shakira, a market vendor who, like many Ugandans, refused to be duped by such blatant hypocrisy.

But the farce didn’t end with Mawanda. Kabanda, his political puppet master, fared no better. Despite posturing as a champion of integrity, Kabanda’s reputation in Parliament not clean and has sometimes been soiled by bad allegations .

PLU insiders accuse him of striking backdoor deals and engaging in cheap political games. “Kabanda is reportedly making deals in Parliament; he has no moral authority to demonstrate against it,” charged Mwesige, a disillusioned PLU supporter.

The ultimate humiliation, however, came when senior PLU leaders flat-out refused to endorse or participate in the sham demonstration, signaling a deep rift within the organization. High-ranking figures like Hon. Frank Gashumba, PLU Chairman for Buganda, Balaam Barugahara, Vice Chair for the Western Region, Hon. Lilian Aber, Vice Chair for Northern Uganda, along with other Central Committee Members like Nuwagira Toyota, Andrew Mwenda, and Katungi, all distanced themselves from the comedy. Their absence spoke volumes, highlighting the fact that the demonstration was nothing more than a misguided, self-serving stunt that misrepresented the values of the Patriotic League of Uganda.

To make matters worse, sources within PLU confirmed that no official meeting was held to endorse the demonstration, further proving that Kabanda and Mawanda acted on personal agendas rather than any collective party mission.

In the end, Kabanda and Mawanda’s flop wasn’t just a failed protest—it was a glaring indictment of their credibility and a reminder to Ugandans that the fight against corruption cannot be led by those with dirty hands.

See below Mawanda and Kabanda seen in the protest photos on Monday

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Attorney Ronald Abitegeka says he got at least one client who reported being raped shortly after he was detained under the law. Abitegeka works for ALIGHT Uganda (formerly American Refugee Committee) an NGO in the Isingiro district that operates in six refugee settlements, five transit centers, and border points.

ALIGHT Uganda’s work includes monitoring refugee settlements and inmates. His client wishes to remain anonymous for security reasons.

The Attorney says rape cases are common but rarely reported to the police, victims are denied medical treatments, and accusations are not investigated. Rarely, however, does someone stand up to authorities.

“I was very much surprised at my client’s courage to find justice after he was raped during detention,” says Abitegeka. “Unlike other victims, my client and his close family members were determined to pursue justice, trying to beat all odds.”

Abitegeka explains that despite the overwhelming number of cases of gender-based violence reported, few get resolved in favor of the victims. However, he is optimistic that his client’s case will see light.

Since the adoption of Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023, people continue to be targeted for arrest and abuse. Earlier this year, more than 90 youths were arrested during a march-to-Parliament protest in Kampala and were charged with various offences, including being “idle and disorderly” and being a “common nuisance”, according to the charge sheet produced in court.

Unfounded rumors circulated that the protests were funded by foreign agents upset over the Anti-Homosexuality law, and several protesters detained said they were sexually assaulted as “revenge” while in custody.

When sexual violence occurs in prisons or police cells, it puts additional shame on those arrested, experts say.

Some human rights advocates are starting to speak out too. In a series of posts on X earlier this year, Ugandan activist Jim Spire Ssentongo demanded that police respond to accusations of abuse while in detention. Ssentongo shared screenshots with messages he says were from former inmates who narrated sexual and other abuses at the hands of police officers.

“Uganda Police, come out and talk about these allegations of young boys/suspects being ‘sodomized’ by your officers under police custody. We can’t let this pass just like that,” he wrote on his X handle on July 24.

One accusation of police brutality towards LGBTQ+ prisoners came from Ronald Agaba, a gay activist who was arrested by state operatives on March 14 for protesting against corruption in Parliament Speaker Anita Among’s office.

“I thought I would never smile or be free again,” Agaba wrote on X, with a graphic description of sexual abuses and beatings.

Jimmy Kabiito, an activist working with Human Rights Awareness Promotion and Forum (HRAPF), a local NGO, says sensitization and education are needed so that law enforcement officers understand that such abuses targeting LGBTQ+ people violate basic human rights. HRAPF provides legal services to support minority groups.

“It is very true that Trans people in Uganda are targeted and raped in police cells and prisons and by other homophobic people just to traumatize them and to ‘prove whether they are gay’.

Others are raped because they are believed to have money and that they are funded by the whites,” Kabiito says.

Kabiito says these crimes, rooted in misinformation and myths, should be thoroughly investigated by police and other security organizations.

Instead, Kabiito says law enforcement officials sometimes collaborate with medical doctors to fake medical forms that deny justice for victims by removing all physical evidence of abuse.

Uganda Prisons spokesperson Frank Baine said in a phone interview that most of the abuse claims were baseless.

“Whoever alleges must prove,” Baine said, alleging that most complainants make abuse allegations against police in hopes of court-ordered financial settlements or to claim asylum in Europe or Canada.

Sexual and gender-based violence continues to be one of Uganda’s most pressing human rights challenges, with far-reaching impacts on individuals and communities beyond LGBTQ+ people.

A 2021 report by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) revealed that one in three women aged 15 to 49 has experienced physical or sexual violence.

The Uganda Police Force’s 2023 annual crime report further underscores the severity of the situation, documenting over 17,000 cases of domestic violence, many of which involved sexual violence.

“These alarming statistics only scratch the surface, as numerous cases go unreported due to fear of stigma, retribution, or distrust in the justice system,” the report indicates.

The post How Ugandan prisons and police cells pose hazard for LGBTQ+ minorities appeared first on Daily Secrets.

In neighbouring Uganda, it is no secret that Kagame had recruited a number of security personnel to help him hunt down such dissidents and deport them only to meet various forms of death.

It is a common truth that Kagame worked with both the Inspector General of Police, the commander of police’s Flying Squad as well as the head of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence to forcibly deport Rwandans.

Most of those who were deported were reportedly killed under unclear circumstances.

Others, including Patrick Karegeya, a former spy chief, were traced up to South Africa, where he was assassinated by unknown assailants in 2014.
South African police reported that Karegeya’s body had “been found, possibly strangled, in a hotel”.

“He was found in the hotel room dead on the bed,” said a statement from South African police spokeswoman Lt. Col. Katlego Mogale. “A towel with blood and a rope were found in the hotel room safe. There is a possibility that he might have been strangled.” Karegeya (pic below) had fled Rwanda in 2007, only for him to be cornered and killed seven years later.

Analysis shows that Kagame’s method of work is to hunt down anyone he wants dead without a time limit.

Reports indicate that Kagame tried several times to kill his Gunmen twice tried to kill his former chief of army staff, Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, while he was living in exile in Johannesburg in 2010.

Nyamwasa told the media in about 2012 that Kagame had hunted him and other dissidents around the world, “using hired killer squads.”

Other reports show that “Rwandan exiles from the president’s Tutsi tribe say British, U.S. and Belgian law enforcers have frequently warned them that their government is plotting to kill them.”

“Two British legislators called for Britain to review its relationship with Rwanda in 2011 when they said a Scotland Yard investigation led to the deportation of an alleged Rwandan assassin trying to enter Britain. Two Rwandan exiles said they received warnings from Scotland Yard that the Rwandan government posed an “imminent threat” to their lives,” USA Today reported more than a decade ago.

However, Kagame’s regime denied all these allegations, stating that, “Never does the government of Rwanda threaten the lives of its citizens, nor use violence against its people, wherever they live.”

Another Rwandan-born citizen Achiraf Matovu has been living in fear in Canada after Kagame’s political party, Rwanda Patriotic Front, a party he served diligently turned against him.

Having fled his home at the height of the 1994 genocide, Matovu studied in Uganda (Lukaya Primary School and Kasasa S.S respectively).

Achiraf would later return to his native Rwanda where he was lured into the Rwanda Patriotic Front as a supporter. He participated in the party’s various activities during his time as a member.

Later, he started hating the same party due to the misconduct of members and other top officials.

When the authorities sensed that he had started missing party meetings, an indication that his support for the party was decreasing, they started tracking him down.

Around the same time, the so-called sweet democracy had turned sour. Many opposition players or suspected haters were assassinated, or thrown into prisons while their property was auctioned arbitrarily.

Achiraf later joined the Rwanda National Congress (ID No.FIN6911), an opposition political party.

Trouble ensued for him as RPF party officials questioned him hard and even started trailing him. His friends in telecommunication companies warned him to watch out how he moves and he speaks to.

On sensing a lot of danger, Achiraf fled the country and has been living in Canada since then.

Whereas Achiraf is lucky to be alive, hundreds and many others are not that lucky. Most of those who flee to neighboring countries are easily tracked down and killed. 

With the current situation in Rwanda, both the silent and talkatives are equally at risk of being in deadly trouble with Kagame’s regime. 

The post How Kagame hunts down political dissidents appeared first on Daily Secrets.

This letter is addressed to both Mr. Kyagulanyi the NUP president and all NUP supporters across the country.

Mr. Kyagulanyi, few days back, you and other top opposition activists held a joint press conference at Katonga, which sign thought us that at least opposition is determined to work as a team without fronting individual interests as it was before.

I have no doubt that where Dr. Besigye, Erias Lukwago, Bayiga Lulume, Robert Kyagulanyi, Gen. Muntu and other party leaders form a joint coalition, Ugandans shall be eased from hardships of making debate on who they should support.

However, under a coalition, party interests are succeeded and taken over by a common interest for all, in brief, the Coalition supersedes the party interests.

Mr. Kyagulanyi, as a party president , you have a duty to appoint and backup your appointees all the period they occupy those positions, on many occasions, I have seen party members attacking and accusing some of your Generals calling them all sorts of names including embarrassing them openly in public gatherings.

I will personally put the blame onto you, why, it’s your duty to to give directions to your supporters, when you fail to control your followers, the blame will automatically shift from the abusers to their Master.

A case in reference is the office of the LoP, I vividly remember very well when you appointed Hon. Mathias Mpuuga Nsamba Leader of Opposition, people within your circle the likes of Waisswa Mufumbiro who doubles as your spokesperson, Nusifa Nakato, Lumbuye Fred and others initiated attacks on him but instead you kept a deaf ear.

As if this was not enough, persons like Zaake Francis, Lutamaguzi Ssemakula among others whom we would believe to be of high morals went ahead to attack your LoP but you never bothered to control them.
Mr. President, you appointed Hon Mathias Mpuuga your Vice president Central region, and this makes him the NUP president Buganda region a position that gives him mandate to decide which activities should take place within his region.
It is unfortunately that even in that position, he’s attacked by the same group, your failure to end these acts implies that you sanctioned for it.

Just of recent, Hon. Mpuuga in his capacity stopped the activities of KUNGA in greater Masaka and this has created impasse within Masaka, KUNGA is a pressure group which operates under the main stream, Administratively, the party supersedes all other organs within the party, who is Farida Nabatanzi to attack your Vice president on leadership matters within his jurisdiction? Who is Namayanja within the party hierarchy to oppose The presidential directives?

Internal party wars has nothing good for the party, it either calls for it’s downfall or it calls for a creation of another party.

The people around you are the greatest liers, they will never tell you what is right since they’re after your sympathy and favor, they just want to please you because they know without you, they have no votes.
To be open with you, come out from that comfort and take charge of your party, there is no sane person who will allow to be in that confusion, there many reasonable people who would wish to work with you, but we are afraid due to what is going on.
Instead of opposing Museveni day and Night, find time to learn a few positive things from him, he’s excelled in party administration and you will never succeed where you fail to control your supporters.

In my conclusion, allow me to thank you and all other fellow activists for the joint coalition, with a coalition we shall have positive results both on top level and lower levels.
May the Good Lord bless you all.

Mulindwa Andrew, Human Rights lawyer and activists.

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