By Richard Lugobwa Kizza

LONDON. Uganda’s political debate increasingly turns on a question more fundamental than whether the country has laws, courts, Parliament and security agencies: do those institutions operate under the rule of law, or are legal powers being used to protect those who govern? Lord Bingham’s definition sets out a simple but demanding standard. Public authorities are not outside the law; they are bound by it and must be able to claim its protection on the same terms as everyone else. That principle is central to any credible constitutional democracy.

The rule of law is not established merely because a government passes legislation, creates enforcement agencies and compels citizens to comply. In Uganda’s case, the government governs through laws while still undermining the rule of law.

The distinction is between law as a restraint on power and law as an instrument of power. In the latter situation, legislation may be used selectively to intimidate critics, restrict peaceful political activity, or give an appearance of legality to conduct that should instead be tested against constitutional rights and independent judicial scrutiny.

This does not mean that every law must be popular or that public disagreement automatically makes legislation invalid. Democratic societies need laws, including laws that some citizens oppose. But the process and substance of law-making matter.

Laws should be made through constitutionally proper and genuinely accountable processes; they should be clear, accessible and reasonably predictable; and they must respect fundamental rights. Public participation, parliamentary scrutiny and the opportunity to challenge state action are not inconveniences. They help give law democratic legitimacy and prevent public power from becoming arbitrary.

Uganda’s Constitution provides a clear starting point. Article 1 vests sovereignty in the people, while Article 2 establishes the Constitution as the supreme law. Article 21 guarantees equality before and under the law. Article 29 protects freedoms including expression, assembly and association.

Article 208 describes the Uganda People’s Defence Forces as a professional, disciplined and national force, subordinate to civilian authority and non-partisan. These provisions are not ceremonial statements. They set standards by which the conduct of government and state institutions should be judged.

Those standards are particularly important when considering the expanding public profile of General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the President’s son and Commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces. His military office carries public responsibilities and constitutional limits. The concern is not that a serving officer should be excluded from public discussion simply because of his family relationship with the President. It is that military command must not become entangled with partisan competition or personal political ambition.

The armed forces exist to serve the country and the constitutional order, not an individual, a family or a political faction. The Constitution’s requirement of civilian authority and political non-partisanship must have practical meaning.

Recent developments have intensified these concerns. Human Rights Watch reported in July 2026 allegations that military personnel seized critics, held some incommunicado and that critics were subsequently subjected to criminal proceedings. It also reported public statements by General Kainerugaba concerning some of those detentions. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights warned in July 2026 of a crackdown on dissent, increased military involvement in civilian functions and a gradual erosion of the rule of law.

The constitutional question, however, is unmistakable: what safeguards exist when security institutions are alleged to have acted beyond their lawful powers? A lawful state must ensure that anyone arrested is dealt with according to the law, brought before an authorised court within the required time, given access to legal representation and afforded a fair hearing.

Courts must be able to examine the legality of detention without intimidation. Equally, public officers and military personnel must be subject to investigation and accountability where credible allegations of abuse arise. The rule of law loses meaning if the powerful enjoy impunity while ordinary citizens face the full force of the state.

The answer is not to weaken law enforcement or to suggest that national security is unimportant. It is to insist that security measures remain lawful, necessary, proportionate and reviewable. Parliament must scrutinise legislation and the executive; the judiciary must remain independent; journalists and civil society must be able to investigate and criticise public power; and opposition parties must be able to organise and compete peacefully. Dissent is not, by itself, disloyalty. In a democracy, it is one of the ways citizens hold their government to account.

Uganda therefore needs more than laws on the statute book. It needs laws that restrain government as effectively as they regulate citizens, institutions that can enforce those limits without fear or favour, and leaders willing to submit their own conduct to constitutional scrutiny. The test of the rule of law is not how efficiently the state can compel obedience. It is whether the state itself obeys the law.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post Rule of Law or Rule by Law? appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON. Forty years ago, the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels marched into Kampala promising to end arbitrary arrests, political persecution and the abuse of state power. Rebel leader Yoweri Museveni justified the 1986 bush war as a struggle against impunity and the violation of citizens’ rights.

Today, many Ugandans are asking an uncomfortable question: has the revolution come full circle? The recent wave of abductions targeting opposition politicians and government critics has raised profound concerns about Uganda’s democracy and the real meaning of the 1986 revolution.

The brutal arrests and torture on camera of opposition figures, including veteran lawyer and politician Erias Lukwago, former Ethics Minister Miria Matembe, the abduction and disappearance of former Butambala County MP Mohammad Muwanga Kivumbi, and others, has created an atmosphere of fear that extends far beyond political circles.

Even more disturbing are the cases of those who simply vanished. Among them is Johnbosco Kibalama, whose fate remains unknown. For every high-profile politician whose disappearance attracts public attention, there are countless ordinary Ugandans whose names never make headlines. Families are left searching for answers, while the silence from authorities deepens suspicion and mistrust.

No democracy can thrive when citizens fear expressing political opinions. Elections lose meaning when opposition leaders risk imprisonment, disappearance, exile or death simply for challenging those in power. The rule of law becomes little more than a slogan when security agencies appear to operate outside constitutional safeguards.

Central to these concerns is the growing influence of General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, President Museveni’s son and Chief of Defence Forces. Over the past few years, Muhoozi has increasingly become the face of Uganda’s security establishment. His public statements, made through social media acknowledging and celebrating abductions, unlawful detention, and torture of government critics, indicate how military power is being exercised without accountability. Recent cases involving Erias Lukwago have only intensified fears that military authority is overshadowing civilian institutions.

For General Museveni, this presents a painful historical irony. The justification for the bush war rested on ending exactly these kinds of abuses. In his famous critique of previous governments, Museveni condemned arbitrary arrests, disappearances and the use of state security against political opponents. Those principles inspired generations of Ugandans who believed the NRA-led revolution represented a new beginning built on constitutionalism and respect for human rights. If today’s Uganda witnesses the same practices that yesterday’s revolution fought against, what remains of that original promise?

Perhaps the greatest tragedy is not the suffering of opposition politicians and supporters alone but the gradual erosion of public confidence. Young Ugandans have grown up under one president. They have never experienced a peaceful transfer of power. Instead, they increasingly associate politics with intimidation, military deployments, disappearances and death.

The political exile of opposition figures further illustrates this reality. Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, now living in the United States for fear for his life, argues that credible threats to his safety make normal political activity at home nearly impossible.

Veteran journalist and politician Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda has also remained abroad for extended periods amid growing concerns about political persecution and personal security. Whether temporary or prolonged, such self-imposed exile reflects the shrinking political space available to dissenting voices.

Uganda stands at a defining moment in its history. The central question is no longer simply who will succeed General Museveni, but what kind of nation Uganda will become after him. Will its institutions prove stronger than the individuals who lead them? Will the Constitution prevail over military influence? And will political competition return to the ballot box, rather than being overshadowed by arbitrary detention in the illegal holding facilities popularly referred to as “basements” by General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, or the “fridge,” as President Museveni has described them?

History teaches that nations rarely lose their freedoms overnight. Democratic decline often happens gradually, one unlawful arrest, one disappearance, one silenced critic at a time. Eventually, extraordinary abuses become ordinary.

Ugandans deserve better. The country possesses immense potential, a youthful population, entrepreneurial energy and abundant natural resources. Yet no amount of economic progress can substitute for justice, accountability and respect for human dignity. Prosperity built upon fear is fragile.

The revolution of 1986 promised freedom from arbitrary rule. Preserving that promise requires more than celebrating past victories; it demands confronting present realities. Since enforced disappearances, political intimidation and unchecked security powers become accepted features of national life, Uganda has betrayed not only its Constitution but also the very ideals upon which the current government was founded.

The country’s future remains unwritten. But the choices made today by those in power, by institutions entrusted with justice and by citizens determined to defend their rights will determine whether the country moves toward renewal or further away from the democratic aspirations that inspired a revolution four decades ago.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media, and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post Uganda at a Crossroads: The 1986 Revolution in Reverse appeared first on Daily Secrets.

This high diplomatic status was conferred upon her in Brussels by the UN Diplomatic Union Mission for World Human Rights Defence, during a distinguished graduation ceremony organized by the Academy of Universal Global Peace (AUGP). Counsel Blessings officially received the coveted recognition in September.

The ceremony was overseen by His Eminence Prof. Dr. Madhu Krishan, the Academy’s founder and a globally renowned humanitarian leader previously honored by former U.S. President Barack Obama.

Prof. Krishan personally presented the award, highly commending Counsel Blessings for her unwavering dedication to community transformation and inspirational leadership qualities.

The selection criteria focused heavily on her demonstrable community impact, her leadership skills, and her committed efforts to champion human rights and peace. Specifically, her work through the Bro. Ronnie Ministries and her profound influence within her Christian faith community were pivotal to this recognition.

The Diplomatic Union of Mission for World Peace (D.U.M.P) confirms that Counsel Allen Blessings is the first woman from the African continent to ever be bestowed with this significant honor.

Her impactful tenure, marked by successful team leadership and inspiring positive change, has resulted in restored communities and countless lives being uplifted.

Her professional excellence, strong work ethic, and resolute faith serve as a powerful example, positioning her as a genuine trailblazer for women across the legal and humanitarian sectors.

This achievement is recognized globally, encouraging African women everywhere to strive for greater heights through dedication and purpose.

The post Lawyer Mabberi Makes History appeared first on Daily Secrets.

From the seafront to the winding Lanes, rainbow flags fluttered and music pulsed. For many, this was a day of unbridled joy and a chance to celebrate who they were.

To Ugandans, it was a call to their home government to instead of focussing on the fight against LGBTQ, guns should be turned to improving service delivery and the fight against corruption.

Brighton Pride was something more profound. It was a jubilant declaration of freedom. Back home, our lives were in danger. Our very existence was criminalized. We lived in fear, in the shadows, constantly looking over our shoulders.

I remembered my first Pride here. The sheer scale of it, the unapologetic joy, was overwhelming. I saw people holding hands openly, kissing without fear of violence, and dressing in a way that screamed defiance and self-love. It was a stark contrast to the whispered conversations and coded messages of the past.

Brighton Pride had a long history, dating back to the early 1970s. It was born from a protest, a defiant stand against a society that sought to silence and oppress.

Over the decades, it has grown into a massive festival, but its roots as a protest remain- dancing in protest, marching in celebration.

Saturday’s protest was personal. It was a protest against laws that could lead to life imprisonment or even death. It was a protest against societal stigma and violence. It was a protest for the people we had left behind, who could not experience this simple, glorious freedom. We were their voices, and our joy was our armour.

That morning, as the LGBTQ+ Community Parade began, I saw a group of men and women from across the globe. They were singing and dancing, their traditional fabrics a riot of colour against the parade’s bright backdrop. Their faces were a mix of tears and laughter, a testament to the complex emotions of the day.

One of them, a young man from Uganda, told me he had never felt so safe. “Here, I am not a criminal,” he said, his voice thick with emotion. “I am just a person. I am free.”

This feeling of being “just a person” was a luxury many in our home countries could not afford. The UK, with its protections and acceptance, was a sanctuary.

Pride was a moment to fully inhabit that sanctuary, to be seen and celebrated for who we were. It was a taste of the life we hoped one day everyone, everywhere, could have.

fc7a29db-801b-4652-bc63-401a4f72fefb

As the music continued and the street parties raged on, we were not just celebrating. Participants were bearing witness. We were remembering. We were standing tall and proud, showing the world that love and identity could not be legislated out of existence.

Our freedom in Brighton was a loud, joyful promise for a better future, a future where no one had to hide.

IMG_1471

The post Brighton: Celebrating Our Freedom, Our Pride appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON. East African states, often praised for their economic potential and regional cooperation, are increasingly creating hostile environments for political dissent.

Governments in Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya—despite their democratic pretenses—have perfected tactics of repression, ranging from trumped-up charges and enforced disappearances to brutal crackdowns on opposition voices.

The region’s leaders appear to be taking cues from one another, creating a disturbing pattern where dissent is met with state-sanctioned violence, legal persecution, and media suppression.

In Tanzania, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, initially welcomed as a breath of fresh air after the authoritarian rule of John Magufuli, has shown that political repression remains deeply entrenched.

Opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who survived an assassination attempt in 2017, returned from exile only to face fresh politically motivated charges.

Accusations of sedition and incitement have been slapped against him, ahead of the October 2025 Presidential elections, mirroring the tactics once used to silence critics under Magufuli.

In a twist of events, leading Kenyan lawyer and the country’s former Justice Minister Martha Karua, and leader of the People’s Liberation Party along with fellow Kenyan lawyer Gloria Kimani and human rights campaigner Lynn Ngugi travelled to Tanzania to represent Tundu Lissu in a treason case on Monday.

Upon arrival at Julius Nyerere International Airport Karua was detained for several hours. Karua said that she was subjected to “hours of unwarranted interrogation”, before being deported.

In Uganda, Karua was initially denied permission to represent Kizza Besigye’s in his treason case. She was later cleared after securing a work permit.

The same ordeal happened to Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire who travelled to Tanzania to attend Tindu Lissu’s trial on Monday as a gesture of solidarity.

Atuhaire was arrested by Tanzanian authorities and held incommunicado for days until Thursday found when she was found at the Uganda-Tanzanian border with indications of torture.

On Monday, President Samia Suluhu warned that she would not allow apologists from neighboring countries to “meddle” in her country’s affairs and cause “chaos”.

Meanwhile, journalists like Erick Kabendera have been arbitrarily detained, and activists such as Maria Sarungi face relentless intimidation. The message is clear: in Tanzania, challenging the government comes with severe risks.

Uganda, under Yoweri Museveni’s nearly four-decade rule, serves as the blueprint for repression in the region.

The regime’s brutality against opposition figures is well-documented. During the 2021 elections, National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Bobi Wine was arrested, tortured, and placed under house arrest, while his supporters were abducted, tortured, and in some cases, killed.

State sanctioned violence is gradually becoming a new-normal. Since 2024 when General Muhoozi Kaneirugaba, also president’s son was appointed Commander of Defense Forces, the notorious “drones”—a euphemism for security operatives who abduct activists—have become a symbol of state terror. Political dissent is viewed as a crime.

The military now takes center stage in the political affairs of the country, which abrogates the constitution. Muhoozi through his X posts continues to brag about this and vows to crush the opposition just as his father Museveni.

Victims like John Bosco Kibalama, Kanatta Muhammad and dozens of NUP supporters have disappeared into unmarked vans, only to resurface days or weeks later with harrowing tales of abuse and torture.

Museveni’s government has also weaponized the law, passing draconian legislation such as the UPDF amendment bill (awaiting Museveni’s signature to take force), the Anti-Homosexuality Act, to further marginalize and criminalize dissent.

Kenya, often regarded as East Africa’s most stable democracy, is not immune to this trend. President William Ruto, who campaigned as a reformer, has overseen a government that continues to suppress opposition voices.

The abductions of bloggers like Shadrack Kiprono, who criticized the administration, echo Uganda’s enforced disappearances.

The 2023 anti-tax protests were met with live ammunition, leaving at least 23 dead—a stark reminder that Kenya’s security forces operate with impunity. The legacy of extrajudicial killings, exemplified by the murder of human rights lawyer Willie Kimani in 2016, remains unresolved, reinforcing the fear that challenging the state can be fatal.

Across the region, governments have enacted laws designed to stifle free expression intending to put a permanent lid on dissent. Tanzania’s Cybercrime Act, Uganda’s Public Order Management Act, and Kenya’s proposed “Fake News” bill all serve the same purpose: to criminalize dissent under the guise of maintaining order.

Media freedom is under siege—from Uganda’s raid on Nation Media Group in 2018 to Tanzania’s banning of Mseto newspaper. Independent journalists operate in constant fear, knowing that critical reporting could lead to arrest or worse.

The African Union and international partners often turn a blind eye to these abuses, prioritizing regional stability over human rights.

Western governments, while occasionally issuing statements of concern, continue to engage with these regimes on trade and security cooperation, sending a tacit message that repression carries no real consequences.

East Africa’s political landscape is becoming a graveyard for dissent, where opposition figures and their supporters, journalists, and activists risk everything to speak out.

The methods may differ slightly—whether it’s Uganda’s abductions, Tanzania’s legal harassment, or Kenya’s violent crackdowns—but the outcome is the same: a climate of fear where democracy exists in name only. If this trend continues unchecked, the region’s future will be one of silenced voices and unchallenged authoritarianism.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post East Africa’s Dangerous Climate for Political Dissent appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The charges stem from an alleged plot to assassinate President Yoweri Museveni and his son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces.

Twiine was arraigned before Buganda Road Chief Magistrate Ronald Kayizzi alongside co-accused Noah Mutwe, a bodyguard to National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.

Mutwe has reportedly been in detention for two weeks prior to the court appearance.

Prosecutors allege that Twiine used social media platforms to incite Mutwe—also known as Mitala Noah—to attack and kill President Museveni using “pavers,” allegedly motivated by opposition to Museveni’s political ideology and leadership.

The state further claims that both men were involved in a similar conspiracy targeting Gen Muhoozi.

They are also accused of violating the Computer Misuse Act by disseminating content designed to incite tribal animosity and defame senior government officials.

Among the statements cited by prosecutors, Twiine allegedly referred to Speaker of Parliament Anita Among as a “rotten human being” and accused her of sponsoring killings in Bukedea district.

He is also said to have labelled Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa a “money launderer and fraudster,” while referring to Gen Muhoozi as a “fat pig and crook,” and Gen James Birungi as a “killer.”

In another controversial claim, Twiine allegedly described the Bahima ethnic group as “killers,” a statement the prosecution argues was aimed at fuelling tribal tensions.

Both Twiine and Mutwe have pleaded not guilty and were remanded to Luzira Prison until June 5, when the case will resume.

The charges against Twiine have sent shockwaves across Uganda’s political and security circles, particularly due to his former high-profile role as a police spokesperson and his previously vocal support for controversial state security practices.

The post Ex- Police Spokesperson Twiine Charged in Alleged Plot to kill Museveni, Gen Muhoozi appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON: Religion and politics have since time immemorial been intertwined institutions as both thrive on systems of beliefs, values and practices which shape people’s lives and attitude, and guide collective action.

Molarity takes center stage in religious teachings which as well is one of the strongest pillars in politics. Religious ideologies shape political movements, religious leaders influence political decisions, and political actors often use religious rhetoric to amass support which aids their firm grip to power.

Mahatma Gandhi once said that “those who believe religion and politics aren’t connected don’t understand either”.

Uganda’s case has not been any different. Since independence, politicians have explicitly showed inclination to religious factions directly or indirectly as a way to capture and keep power.

Napoleon Bonaparte was once quoted saying, “Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet”. However, the reverse is true.

Religious leaders who support government are seen as darlings to the powers that be and those that condemn dictatorship, abuse of human rights and oppression of the weak are seen as enemies and have faced serious consequences.

A notable example is Archbishop Janan Luwum, the Provincial Secretary of the Church of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Boga-Zaire. Luwum boldly spoke against Idi Amin’s repressive rule and in 1977, he delivered a protest to Amin against all acts of violence that were allegedly the work of the security services.

Not long after this, he was taken away and murdered.
Museveni, whose administration as president took advantage of the mistakes of the previous governments, in 2016 declared the 16th of February a public holiday to commemorate the death of Luwum.

The political intention of Museveni’s move was to keep Amin’s brutality and intolerance alive among Ugandans forever, portraying himself as a tolerant leader to his critics.

In spite of this, Museveni’s leadership is characterized by persecution of religious leaders who disagree with him and those who he thinks pose a threat to his leadership. Since the 90s, the Muslim community have faced the greatest persecution. They have generally been regarded as terrorists and for the past two decades, thousands of Muslims have been arrested over charges of terrorism and treason.

To break the spine of the Muslim community, the Museveni administration sided and gave protection to the Mufti of Uganda, Shaban Ramadhan Mubaje who his subjects accused to abuse of office, corruption and acting contrary to the Islamic faith.

Despite numerous trials to have him stand down, the government has protected him. This has made him servant to the regime and has on several occasions warned fellow Muslims against coitizing the government.

Similarly, the government continues to keep the Anlican, Catholic, Orthodox and other religious clerics under close watch and comprise. Many religious leaders look up to the president for financial support and the president has exploited the opportunity to order them around.

Nevertheless, there has been significant criticism from religious leaders such as Bishop John Baptist Kaggwa (RIP), Archbishop Yona Lwanga (RIP) and Archbishop Cyprian Kizito Lwanga (RIP) among others. Criticism by religious leaders has sparked conflict between church and the state.

The shocking fact, however is the sudden death that religious leaders who condemn Museveni’s repressive rule have suffered.

Museveni has also tapped into the popularity of the Pentecostal churches to which millions of Ugandans subscribe. Pastors, apostles, evangelists and prophets have become conduits and shock absorbers to government brutality and failure to do the bare minimum for citizens.

Pentecostal preachers have to a greater extent succeeded in derailing and diverting people’s attention from what the government has failed to do in terms of employment, infrastructure, health among others to convincing them that all these are acts of Satan.

This is allegedly because many of these churches operate dubiously so they get state protection. As such, people have diverted the energy they would have used to demand for their rights, to fighting Satan.

This situation has brought about complacence and tolerance to the status quo hence extending Museveni rule.Critics have argued that Museveni’s move to commemorate Janan Luwum’s death is to keep current religious leaders in memory that what happened to Luwum is not far from them if they act the way he did.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447551178304

The post Religion: An institution used by dictatorship to massage despotism appeared first on Daily Secrets.

Kampala, Uganda. As Kawempe North parliamentary by-election descended into chaos, Thursday, the arrests of two opposition lawmakers and multiple journalists—paired with a shocking military crackdown—have laid bare the escalating dangers faced by media workers.

The decision by Nation Media Group Uganda to withdraw Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda journalists from covering the polls, citing targeted attacks by soldiers and plainclothes agents, underscores a grim reality:  journalism has become a life-threatening act of defiance.

Daniel Kalinaki, the Nation Media group’s General Manager, framed the withdrawal as a reluctant survival tactic in a message posted on X.

“Our teams are being hunted, their equipment destroyed, and their lives endangered simply for documenting the truth,” he said.

This retreat marks an ugly situation revealing how far the state will go to silence scrutiny during pivotal political moments.

The Kawempe North by-election, triggered by the death of former MP Mohammed Ssegirinya, was meant to showcase democracy.

Instead, it has become a theater of repression. Heavy military deployment transformed the constituency into a militarized zone, with security forces firing live rounds, lobbing tear gas, and arbitrarily detaining opposition figures and journalists.

Among those arrested were Mawokota MP Kiyaga Hilderman and Bukomansimbi MP and reporters from Daily Monitor and NBS TV held at undisclosed locations. Among many arrested, tortured or missing is Abubaker Lubowa, Tamale Raymond.

Journalists recount being chased by soldiers, cameras smashed, and drones confiscated. “They don’t want the world to see how they’re rigging this election,” said Mikeal Kakumirizi, a photojournalist who fled after being beaten.

The assault on journalists is not new but has intensified under President Yoweri Museveni’s 38-year rule. Once a regional media leader, the country now ranks 132nd out of 180 in Reporters Without Borders’ 2023 Press Freedom Index, below war-torn Sudan.

Laws like the 2016 Computer Misuse Act and 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act are routinely weaponized to criminalize critical reporting. The Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda (HRNJ-U) documented 47 attacks on press personnel in 2023 alone—a 30% increase from 2022.

Independent outlets like Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda are frequent targets.

Journalists face arbitrary arrests, torture, and equipment seizures, while security forces act with impunity.

“The message is clear: toe the line or face consequences,” said Dr. Peter Mwesige of the African Centre for Excellence in.

The risks are existential. Journalists work in constant fear of reprisals—denied accreditation, barred from press briefings, or labeled “enemies of the state” for exposing corruption.

Media houses, meanwhile, face financial suffocation. Government-aligned businesses boycott independent outlets, starving them of ads.

The Kawempe crisis, however, reveals a darker trajectory. By silencing journalists during elections—the cornerstone of democracy—the state ensures skewed narratives and unchecked fraud. A 2023 Afrobarometer survey found 62% of Ugandans distrust electoral institutions, citing biased media coverage. Without transparency, public faith erodes further.

The international community, long silent, must pressure Kampala to end its war on truth-tellers. For now, reporters like those forced out of Kawempe North cling to a fragile hope: that their sacrifice will ignite a reckoning for Uganda’s fading democracy.

Uganda’s 2026 general elections loom as a flashpoint.

The post Uganda’s Press Freedom Crumbles Amid Electoral Repression appeared first on Daily Secrets.

KAMPALA. Opposition figures in expressed deep disillusionment on Wednesday after High Court Judge Isaac Singiza, described by critics as a “cadre judge,” ordered the return of ailing opposition leader Col. Kizza Besigye to Luzira Prison. Besigye.

A four-time presidential candidate and fierce critic of President Yoweri Museveni, Besigye was arrested alongside his aide, Obeid Kamulegeya, and has been held without a valid remand warrant, sparking outrage among his supporters and legal team.

Besigye’s appearance in court on Wednesday followed lawyers securing a *habeas corpus* application, demanding his release on medical grounds due to his deteriorating health. However, the court’s decision to send him back to prison without a clear remedy left his legal team and supporters stunned.

“This matter is supposed to be disposed of expeditiously. This is an emergency situation. Dr. Besigye was brought under very unreasonable circumstances and without a valid remand warrant. Yet, he has been returned to Luzira,”  his lawyer also Kampala Lord mayor  Erias Lukwago stated.

He expressed frustration at the lack of urgency in the case.

“We are walking away from court without a remedy. We expected an instant judgment. Unfortunately, it is not the case, and we have no clue when the remedy will be delivered. No decision. It is baffling,” Lukwago said.

Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s wife, checked executive of UNAIDS and a prominent activist, was visibly distraught.

“I came here expecting to take Dr. Besigye home today. I am devastated but not surprised. Besigye is a captive. He is in captivity, as we all are. Museveni has put all of us in captivity.

This cadre judge… shame on him. Shame on him for sending back to jail a man whose life is deteriorating very fast. But it’s all President Museveni and his insane son, who is the army commander,” she said.

Bobi Wine Condemns “Persecution”
Opposition leader and musician-turned-politician Bobi Wine also condemned the court’s decision, calling it a blatant act of persecution.

“This is not prosecution but persecution,” he said.

Wine further criticized Judge Singiza for his handling of previous cases, including one prior to the exile of  writer Kakwenza Rukirabashaija and his disapproval of corruption charges against Members of Parliament accused of misusing public funds.

The case has reignited debates about judicial independence in Uganda, with critics accusing the judiciary of being compromised by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government. Besigye’s continued detention, despite his failing health, has become a rallying point for opposition supporters, who see it as emblematic of the broader crackdown on dissent under Museveni’s 39-year rule.

As Besigye remains behind bars, the opposition vows to continue fighting for his release and for what they call “the liberation of Uganda from captivity.”

Besigye a security threat- Museveni

Responding to online reports and pressure from Uganda’s opposition leaders, President Yoweri Museveni on Tuesday maintained his hardline stance, insisting that Col. Kizza Besigye must undergo a legal process. Museveni’s comments came amid growing concerns over Besigye’s continued detention, with opposition figures and activists demanding his release on medical and humanitarian grounds.

In a statement addressing the issue, Museveni acknowledged the public concern but defended the decision to remand Besigye, citing the seriousness of the allegations against him. “I have seen the concern by some Ugandans regarding the remanding of Besigye for the very serious offences he is alleged to have been planning. If you want a stable country, the more correct question should be: ‘Naye Besigye bamukwatila ki? Why was Besigye arrested?’ The answer to that is a quick trial so that facts come out. Otherwise, you are promoting insecurity, which is very dangerous for the country. Nobody in the world can easily give us lectures on reconciliation and forgiveness because that is part of our doctrine right from the 1960s,” part of Museveni’s statement read.

The post Disillusionment after “Cadre Judge” sends ailing Besigye back to Prison appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The rally was part of Kyagulanyi’s ongoing nationwide mobilisation campaign. Kyagulanyi was scheduled to address supporters at Migyera town market grounds, but the event was blocked by security forces led by Nakasongola district police commander (DPC) Stephen Niragire.

Faridah Nabatanzi, NUP’s head of mobilisation for Buganda, had arrived earlier in the day to set up a public address system when security personnel intervened, ordering her advance team to vacate the grounds.

Nabatanzi expressed frustration, noting that NUP had complied with all police conditions, including avoiding processions and stopovers along the Kampala-Gulu highway. Despite this, the police dismantled their equipment and dispersed journalists, cutting short Nabatanzi’s media address.

At Wabigalo trading centre, security forces erected barriers to prevent Kyagulanyi and his supporters from accessing Nakasongola town council. Stephen Niragire, the officer in charge, declined to comment on the operation, while Savannah police spokesperson Sam Twineamazima claimed to lack details on the matter.

This incident echoes previous encounters between Kyagulanyi and security forces in Nakasongola. In 2020, Kyagulanyi was similarly blocked from Migyera town, where he was forced to spend the night in his car after being denied access to local hotels.

Earlier that year, during his presidential campaign, Kyagulanyi was redirected to Lwamutoogo cattle market after being barred from holding a rally at Nakasongola RC Primary School. Security officials cited COVID-19 restrictions during that blockade.

Despite these recurring restrictions, NUP maintains its mobilisation efforts, accusing the government of stifling opposition activities. Authorities, however, continue to justify such actions as necessary for public order and compliance with regulations.

The post Police block NUP Kyagulanyi’s rally in Nakasongola appeared first on Daily Secrets.