By RICHARD KIZZA LUGOBWA

A controversial law dubbed the National Coffee (Amendment) Act has since its first reading in March, passing in November, and assent in December 2024 continues to provoke questions and contention regards the government’s ulterior motive.

The government framed the bill as part of its RAPEX (Rationalization of Agencies and Public Expenditure) policy, launched in February 2021 to reduce redundancy and rein in administrative costs.

Proponents of the law argued that the amendment aimed at streamlining government and cutting costs by integrating the Uganda Coffee Development Authority (UCDA) into the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF).

Agriculture Minister Frank Tumwebaze emphasized that embedding UCDA within MAAIF would “streamline operations, and eliminate bloated structures and functional ambiguities”.

However, growing opposition from MPs, farmers and analysts suggests deeper motives at play, raising fierce accusations that President Yoweri Museveni is engineering revenue centralization, diminishing farmer autonomy and accelerating poverty among farmers and coffee traders to entrench political and economic control.

Analysts warn that centralizing coffee oversight under a ministry may replicate inefficiencies seen in other sectors and strip farmers of direct revenue. Critics argue the move places political expediency over rural welfare and wealth which is likely to limit voter independence and choice.

Joseph Kabuleta, leader of the National Economic Empowerment Dialogue (NEED), denounces the legislation as a deliberate strategy by Museveni to choke off financial independence among coffee farmers or anyone engaged in legitimate commercial activity.
“He thinks poor people are easier to govern,” Kabuleta asserted.

He further likened past government takeovers of vanilla, cotton, tea, and even Uganda’s historic textile industry as part of a broader pattern of stifling rural prosperity.

The bill, introduced in late March and first read on 27 March 2024, was hotly contested in Parliament. MPs from coffee-producing regions especially from Bugisu and Buganda, alongside opposition figures, voiced strong opposition citing risks of disrupting coffee export accreditation and undermining farmers they represent.
Farm leaders in Bugisu labelled the bill as driven by “a hidden agenda,” warning it could jeopardize market credibility.

Buganda MP Geoffrey Lutaaya accused fellow legislators of acting “for one person,” contending that centralizing coffee control would strip farmers of autonomy.

In the recent years, the Kattikiro of Buganda Charles Peter Mayiga launched the “mwanyi terimba” campaign, traversing the kingdom urging Baganda to grow more and more coffee, and celebrating coffee farmers, as a poverty alleviation strategy.

Centralizing coffee control by the government definitely undermines Kattikiro’s campaign which according to critics is likely to create a rift between Mengo and the central government. The historical echoes of the 1960s tensions between the Buganda Kingdom and the central government revealed a deeper distrust one that authorities rushed to downplay.

Although some MPs such pushed for a grace period of three to five years. for a smooth transition; these proposals were rejected which further raised suspicion. A division lobby on 6 November saw 159 MPs support the bill and 77 oppose it. President Museveni signed the bill into law on 20th December.

Analysts and media believe President Yoweri Museveni personally steered the bill through parliament. Investigative reports from the Daily Monitor described how, facing resistance in April, the President employed “isolation, negotiation…and intimidation” in closed-door NRM meetings to secure support, including convening a caucus at his Entebbe residence.

In these meetings and reportedly under pressure NRM MPs received assurances that MAAIF was capable of taking up UCDA’s responsibilities. Museveni defended the move by claiming rationalization would yield efficiency, citing the performance of his brother’s Operation Wealth Creation program.

Opposition Leader Joel Ssenyonyi accused Museveni of spreading misinformation especially the claim that defending UCDA is partisan stunt by the opposition. Ssenyonyi pointed out that even NRM backbenchers initially voted against the merger.

This bill is one of the many fast-tracked laws in spite of contention and guidance from MPs and the public. Notable of these is The Sexual Offences Bill, 2021, The Computer Misuse (Amendment) Act, 2022, The Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023 and the recent Political Parties & Organizations (Amendment) Bill, 2025 and The UPDF (Military Courts) Amendment Bill, 2025. A common characteristic in all these laws in government/president’s interest in the laws
The UPDF Amendment Bill 2025 and the Political Parties and Organizations (Amendment) Bill 2025 were passed in a matter of days, with the entire process from first reading to committee referral sometimes completed in under 24 hours.

Civil society groups and opposition MPs have denounced this as a “cynical attempt” to bypass public participation, arguing that the rushed timeline undermines constitutional rights to meaningful stakeholder input.

Opposition figures, including Leader of the Opposition Joel Ssenyonyi, staged walkouts and have taken legal action, claiming that Parliament ignored procedural safeguards such as the mandatory 45-day consultation period and rushed ahead to pass bills reinstating military jurisdiction over civilians, ahead of the 2026 presidential election. Critics warned that such haste erodes democratic norms and could lead to constitutional challenges.

The Coffee Act is now law, but the debate is far from over. With elections looming in 2026, rural discontent may reshape political dynamics. Opposition voices and civil society groups are calling for a repeal or at least a transparent review process that fully considers farmers’ interests.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post Museveni’s coffee Act a poverty tool and testament of corruption appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The accelerating exodus of Uganda’s public figures is largely a result of the increasing brutality of the police and military, extreme media censorship and suppression of freedom of expression, arbitrary arrests and targeted violence which have created a climate of fear, hence pushing creatives, outspoken journalists and elites into exile joining a growing diaspora yearning for safety and freedom.

Honorable Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, president of the National Unity Platform party, the main opposition party has endured relentless harassment including banning his public performance. Kyagulanyi’s ordeal has befallen many more artists and celebrities who have publicly come out to show support to his cause.

The situation has escalated since the lead-up to the 2021 elections, with Museveni’s government cracking down ruthlessly on critics. Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, a Journalist, Lawyer and Novelist and Stella Nyanzi a human rights advocate and poet have faced the wrath of the regime due to their open criticism of corruption and authoritarianism.

In April 2020, Kakwenza was arrested and tortured after publishing his debut novel The Greedy Barbarian, which authorities interpreted as a veiled critique of the first family. His subsequent book, Banana Republic, further provoked ire from the regime. When he tweeted criticism of Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son, he was detained again in December 2021 and released with visible torture marks. He fled into exile in Germany by February 2022 Stella Nyanzi was imprisoned in 2017 for satirically insulting the president. Facing escalating threats, she fled to Kenya in early 2021 and has since been granted asylum in Germany.

Museveni’s son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who also is the army commander continually inflames tensions further through his inflammatory posts of his X platform, where on different occasions has promised to behead Honorable Kyagulanyi, kill veteran opposition politician Kizza Besigye by hanging and allowing police and the army to shoot supporters of the opposition, especially those putting on the National Unity Platform Party red overall and beret.

During the Kawempe North constituency by-election early this year, journalists were battered by security operatives. Muhoozi commended the good work done by security and promised to arrest any security officer who desists from battering journalists, opposition politicians and their supporters. This has created a delicate climate for journalists leading to many of them fleeing the country.

The political environment has darkened further with the introduction of harsh laws, especially targeting LGBTQ+ communities and their allies. The Anti Homosexuality Act, passed in 2023, imposes life terms or even the death penalty for same sex relations and penalties for “promotion.” This has forced advocates to either hide or flee.

The new legislation has been intentionally used to silence dissenters by labeling them “promoters” of homosexuality. Nyombi Morris, for instance an environmental and LGBTQ+ activist threatened within Uganda, fled to Denmark in 2024 after facing retaliatory violence aimed at his family.

In May 2025, Muhoozi publicized abduction of Hon Kyagulanyi’s bodyguard Edward Sebuufu popularly known as Eddie Mutwe when he released gruesome pictures of his tortured body and threatened the opposition leader himself, an act condemned as deepening authoritarianism.

Prominent journalists, entertainers and outspoken bloggers have been targeted. Reform-minded radio and TV presenters and news reporters continue to flee the country. In May 2023 Tusuubira Ibrahim Lubega also known as Jajja Ichuli, a fearless blogger and music critic was shot dead by unknown assailants in Kampala. His dead brought a wave of shock within his circles and beyond, leading to the exodus of many into exile, joining the ranks of asylum seekers, broadcasting from abroad through platforms like YouTube, Tik Tok, Facebook and diaspora-run channels.

Individual stories illustrate a broader phenomenon: Uganda’s creatives, thinkers, and activists are abandoning hope and leaving and leaving the country in a landscape growing hostile and inhabitable to dissent.
Refugees and migrants recount a common refrain: “You either support Museveni, be quiet, or you flee.”

Many migrants cite the disappearance of civic space and persistent erosion of civil liberties as primary motivators. Taken together, this wave of reluctantly enforced emigration is stripping Uganda of a vital creative and intellectual class.

Writers fear censorship and torture; musicians face the end of their careers; academics, activists, and artists risk abduction or exile. Many have expressed a deep desire to return but under current conditions, a safe return remains out of reach.

The continued fleeing of the country’s intellectuals, artistic, and professional core elites risks the country into a “brain drain” crisis. It reflects deeper structural decay in Uganda’s political environment; without systemic reform, the country risks losing not just individuals but the critical, creative lifeblood essential to its future. Kakwenza Rukirabashaija a diaspora commentator warns that the future of Uganda may lie in foreign capitals, not Kampala.

Diaspora-based opposition is ramping up. Ugandans in the Europe, North America, Asia and all around the world are lobbying foreign governments to impose sanctions and travel restrictions against senior Ugandan officials, including Museveni and his son Muhoozi Kainerugaba.

Many diaspora Ugandans are amplifying their calls for international accountability through protests, conferences, and digital advocacy.

Countries like U.S. and U.K acting upon the diaspora call have imposed visa restrictions on Ugandan officials implicated in rights violations.

While their departure signifies a national crisis, exiled voices continue to uphold Ugandan culture and demand reform. Kyagulanyi leverages global platforms to raise awareness. Stella Nyanzi, Kakwenza and others publish and educate in Europe, and diaspora activists lobby foreign governments for pressure. Yet, their effectiveness hinges on sustained international attention and tangible policy pressure. Will global actors intervene decisively now, or watch as an entire generation of voices is silenced?

Before an answer is reached at, the departures continue painting a tragic backdrop for a generation of Ugandans whose talents and voices may strengthen foreign lands more than the country they once called home.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post Uganda’s Crackdown: Stars and Opposition Flee appeared first on Daily Secrets.

What was once a vibrant press landscape, known for bold journalism and public engagement, has in recent years been marred by political interference, intimidation, clobbering and battering journalists and arrests which has constrained media operations.
The very harsh and unbearable working environment for journalists has created a climate of fear and extreme self-censorship leading to a drastic fall in the quality of information, and journalism in general as a profession.

As the 2026 general elections draw nigh, questions grow louder about the role of Uganda’s press and whether it can still fulfill its democratic mandate.

The recent years have seen a dramatic change in radio and television programming with a great increase and focus on entertainment programming (loosely called lugambo shows) as a way to run away from serious and sensitive political topics as these on many occasions have led to instant revocation of broadcasting licenses and sometimes arrests of show hosts.

The decline in media independence in Uganda is not an overnight phenomenon. It has unfolded gradually, shaped by political dynamics that reward loyalty and punish dissent. Under President Yoweri Museveni’s leadership now in his fourth decade in power Uganda’s political environment has become more centralized, with control over media emerging as a key strategic priority.

One of the most glaring issues is the consolidation of media ownership in politically affiliated hands. Several of the country’s major television, radio, and print outlets are owned or heavily influenced by individuals or businesses with close ties to the ruling National Resistance Movement party.

These ownership structures often lead to editorial decisions that favor the government, pushing narratives that align with state policy while muting critical voices.
President Museveni uses both the law and the military to punish heavily media houses which critic his regime.

As a result, the principle of media impartiality is lost.
The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), the national media regulator, has increased its role in content control. Ostensibly under the guise of upholding “national security” and “ethical standards,” the UCC has suspended or penalized media outlets that air “inciting” content an often loosely defined term that critics say is abused to silence dissent.

Daily Monitor, owned by the Nation Media Group, and NTV Uganda have long been considered among the more independent outlets.

However, even these institutions have faced sustained pressure, both subtle and overt. Journalists report being instructed to avoid topics that “may offend the authorities” or to tone down criticism of government officials.

Others have seen critical pieces pulled at the last minute or editorial decisions overridden by management with political connections.

Journalists and media hosts affiliated to the National Unity Platform party, led by Hon Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu continue to face state motivated persecution and many of them have been summarily dismissed from work.

During the 2021 presidential election campaigns, journalists covering Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu’s rallies were continually harassed by the police and military, cameras smashed, footage deleted, and accreditation withdrawn, all designed to instill fear and discourage independent reporting.

This brutality continues to this day. Early this year during the Kawempe North constituency by election, journalists were clobbered severely and despite local and international criticism, authorities didn’t give any apology.

Many journalists are underpaid yet overworked, facing additional pressure to conform to the principles of professional media practice. Some accept “facilitation” fees, euphemisms for bribes to shape coverage in favor of political or corporate interests.

As mainstream media goes into political capture, social media had emerged as an alternative platform for dissent and grassroots journalism. However, even this frontier is now under threat. The government has invested heavily in digital surveillance and cyber laws that criminalize online speech deemed to “promote hatred” or “undermine the state.”

During key political events, including elections and protests, internet blackouts have been used as tools of repression. Bloggers and independent content creators have been arrested and charged under the Computer Misuse Act, often without due process.

Despite the grim picture, pockets of resistance remain. Online platforms, bloggers and political analysts continue to push boundaries, despite horrendous risk.
As the country prepares for the 2026 general elections, the stakes are high for Uganda’s media. The public’s right to information, a cornerstone of any democratic society, is at risk.

To this day, journalists continue to operate under difficulty and conflicting loyalty, driven by a commitment to truth and accountability.

There is need for urgent structural reforms starting with ownership transparency, regulatory independence, and protections for journalists. Short of that, the future of Uganda’s mainstream media looks increasingly bleak.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post How Politics Has Undermined Mainstream Media in Uganda appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON. Since time immemorial death has been seen as a unifying factor as it brings unanimous sorrow and grief to all members of the community.

Death as well brought reconciliation and cohesion as its reality provides the ripest time to see emptiness and the absurdity of life.

Condolence messages like “my/our deepest condolences to the family.”, “heartfelt sympathies”, “thinking and praying for you in this difficult time” and so many others express the love and sympathy, and a gesture of sharing pain in time of death.

Sadly, the situation has changed in Uganda. A new trend of a cross section of Ugandans deriving joy and celebrating death of opponents is increasing day by day. This widely criticized phenomenon which mainly targets leaders, supporters and enablers of the NRM ruling government is very shocking, inhumane and contrary to culture.

However, it is a reflection of the unseen and suppressed frustration and anger among the disenfranchised Ugandans who have been denied justice, their family, friends and relatives murdered in cold blood, arbitrary arrested and detained illegally, corruption and impunity, suppression of dissent and limited political space

A notable instance of ‘death celebration’ was when General Paul Lokech who was the Deputy Inspector General of Police died in August 2021.

His intimidating yet reckless statement during the 2021 bloody presidential elections brooded hatred and anger which was exposed when he passed on.

Lokech warned that the police and military were more than ready to kill anyone who would come to protest Museveni’s victory.

He said “If you think of coming to protest, “I advise you to come along with your coffin because you will be killed”.

When General Elly Tumwine, who was the security minister and a longtime ally of General Museveni died in August 2022, social media was yet hit with a whirlwind of celebration.

Public anger against Tumwine grew during the November 2020 countrywide protests which followed the unlawful arrest of Hon. Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu on his campaign trail in which security operatives killed over 50 Ugandans, General Tumwine publicly supported and killing and further warned that they were ready to kill more Ugandans as long as they continue to protest.

His death barely two years after sparked celebration in which Ugandans said justice had been served. During a vigil at his home in Kololo, Tumwine’s children apologized to Ugandans for the wrongs their father did during his lifetime and asked them to desist from celebrating and mocking him which escalated the pain of their loss.

This wanton ‘death celebration’ doesn’t discriminate children and relatives of the regime supporters. At the beginning of this month, Cedric Babu, a leader in General Muhoozi Kainerugaba’s PLU and son to a renowned supporter of the NRM ruling party, Captain Francis Babu succumbed to heart failure in Nairobi.

Before his demise, Cedric was airlifted from Rwanda to Agha Khan hospital in Nairobi where he was told that he needed a heart transplant in the United Kingdom at a cost of £300,000. A fundraising campaign on the go-fund-me online platform was started to raise the money, unfortunately he passed on before the money had been raised.

While a number of Ugandans celebrated Cedric’s death, opposition politicians exploited the moment putting up unsympathetic messages to remind the family and other NRM supporters how the regime has failed the health sector and how such failure has led to deaths of so many Ugandans especially the poor who cannot afford the luxury of being airlifted to other countries.

NRM supporters are faulted for trying to convince Ugandans that their regime is the best and has improved the health, infrastructure and all sectors of development, disregarding the innumerable accidents that result from poor road construction and maintenance.

So, the time of their grief is seen as the best time to show them these realities in spite of the agony they go through in such times.

As a way to retaliate, NRM supporters have taken the same route. This was witnessed when the National Unity Platform opposition MP for Kawempe North constituency Hon. Segirinya Muhammad died early this year. NRM supporters took to social media and made posts to celebrate his demise.

Besides death, NRM leaders and supporters have on many occasions showed approval of the ongoing arbitrary arrest and torture of opposition politicians.

When General Muhoozi released the gruesome pictures of Eddie Mutwe, bodyguard of the National Unity Platform President Hon. Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu brutally tortured in his basement, his supporters like Hudu Hussein praised him for the good work and urged him to do the same to all opposition supporters in spite local and international criticism.

The pending question is where Uganda is headed with this growing trend. Ugandans especially in the opposition harbor great anger against the ruling NRM government; celebrating their death broods more anger in the NRM team, which puts the country in a very compromising situation and uncertainty with regard to what the future holds.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post Anger fuels Ugandans’ celebration of opponents’ deaths appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON. East African states, often praised for their economic potential and regional cooperation, are increasingly creating hostile environments for political dissent.

Governments in Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya—despite their democratic pretenses—have perfected tactics of repression, ranging from trumped-up charges and enforced disappearances to brutal crackdowns on opposition voices.

The region’s leaders appear to be taking cues from one another, creating a disturbing pattern where dissent is met with state-sanctioned violence, legal persecution, and media suppression.

In Tanzania, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, initially welcomed as a breath of fresh air after the authoritarian rule of John Magufuli, has shown that political repression remains deeply entrenched.

Opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who survived an assassination attempt in 2017, returned from exile only to face fresh politically motivated charges.

Accusations of sedition and incitement have been slapped against him, ahead of the October 2025 Presidential elections, mirroring the tactics once used to silence critics under Magufuli.

In a twist of events, leading Kenyan lawyer and the country’s former Justice Minister Martha Karua, and leader of the People’s Liberation Party along with fellow Kenyan lawyer Gloria Kimani and human rights campaigner Lynn Ngugi travelled to Tanzania to represent Tundu Lissu in a treason case on Monday.

Upon arrival at Julius Nyerere International Airport Karua was detained for several hours. Karua said that she was subjected to “hours of unwarranted interrogation”, before being deported.

In Uganda, Karua was initially denied permission to represent Kizza Besigye’s in his treason case. She was later cleared after securing a work permit.

The same ordeal happened to Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire who travelled to Tanzania to attend Tindu Lissu’s trial on Monday as a gesture of solidarity.

Atuhaire was arrested by Tanzanian authorities and held incommunicado for days until Thursday found when she was found at the Uganda-Tanzanian border with indications of torture.

On Monday, President Samia Suluhu warned that she would not allow apologists from neighboring countries to “meddle” in her country’s affairs and cause “chaos”.

Meanwhile, journalists like Erick Kabendera have been arbitrarily detained, and activists such as Maria Sarungi face relentless intimidation. The message is clear: in Tanzania, challenging the government comes with severe risks.

Uganda, under Yoweri Museveni’s nearly four-decade rule, serves as the blueprint for repression in the region.

The regime’s brutality against opposition figures is well-documented. During the 2021 elections, National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Bobi Wine was arrested, tortured, and placed under house arrest, while his supporters were abducted, tortured, and in some cases, killed.

State sanctioned violence is gradually becoming a new-normal. Since 2024 when General Muhoozi Kaneirugaba, also president’s son was appointed Commander of Defense Forces, the notorious “drones”—a euphemism for security operatives who abduct activists—have become a symbol of state terror. Political dissent is viewed as a crime.

The military now takes center stage in the political affairs of the country, which abrogates the constitution. Muhoozi through his X posts continues to brag about this and vows to crush the opposition just as his father Museveni.

Victims like John Bosco Kibalama, Kanatta Muhammad and dozens of NUP supporters have disappeared into unmarked vans, only to resurface days or weeks later with harrowing tales of abuse and torture.

Museveni’s government has also weaponized the law, passing draconian legislation such as the UPDF amendment bill (awaiting Museveni’s signature to take force), the Anti-Homosexuality Act, to further marginalize and criminalize dissent.

Kenya, often regarded as East Africa’s most stable democracy, is not immune to this trend. President William Ruto, who campaigned as a reformer, has overseen a government that continues to suppress opposition voices.

The abductions of bloggers like Shadrack Kiprono, who criticized the administration, echo Uganda’s enforced disappearances.

The 2023 anti-tax protests were met with live ammunition, leaving at least 23 dead—a stark reminder that Kenya’s security forces operate with impunity. The legacy of extrajudicial killings, exemplified by the murder of human rights lawyer Willie Kimani in 2016, remains unresolved, reinforcing the fear that challenging the state can be fatal.

Across the region, governments have enacted laws designed to stifle free expression intending to put a permanent lid on dissent. Tanzania’s Cybercrime Act, Uganda’s Public Order Management Act, and Kenya’s proposed “Fake News” bill all serve the same purpose: to criminalize dissent under the guise of maintaining order.

Media freedom is under siege—from Uganda’s raid on Nation Media Group in 2018 to Tanzania’s banning of Mseto newspaper. Independent journalists operate in constant fear, knowing that critical reporting could lead to arrest or worse.

The African Union and international partners often turn a blind eye to these abuses, prioritizing regional stability over human rights.

Western governments, while occasionally issuing statements of concern, continue to engage with these regimes on trade and security cooperation, sending a tacit message that repression carries no real consequences.

East Africa’s political landscape is becoming a graveyard for dissent, where opposition figures and their supporters, journalists, and activists risk everything to speak out.

The methods may differ slightly—whether it’s Uganda’s abductions, Tanzania’s legal harassment, or Kenya’s violent crackdowns—but the outcome is the same: a climate of fear where democracy exists in name only. If this trend continues unchecked, the region’s future will be one of silenced voices and unchallenged authoritarianism.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

The post East Africa’s Dangerous Climate for Political Dissent appeared first on Daily Secrets.

LONDON: Religion and politics have since time immemorial been intertwined institutions as both thrive on systems of beliefs, values and practices which shape people’s lives and attitude, and guide collective action.

Molarity takes center stage in religious teachings which as well is one of the strongest pillars in politics. Religious ideologies shape political movements, religious leaders influence political decisions, and political actors often use religious rhetoric to amass support which aids their firm grip to power.

Mahatma Gandhi once said that “those who believe religion and politics aren’t connected don’t understand either”.

Uganda’s case has not been any different. Since independence, politicians have explicitly showed inclination to religious factions directly or indirectly as a way to capture and keep power.

Napoleon Bonaparte was once quoted saying, “Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet”. However, the reverse is true.

Religious leaders who support government are seen as darlings to the powers that be and those that condemn dictatorship, abuse of human rights and oppression of the weak are seen as enemies and have faced serious consequences.

A notable example is Archbishop Janan Luwum, the Provincial Secretary of the Church of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Boga-Zaire. Luwum boldly spoke against Idi Amin’s repressive rule and in 1977, he delivered a protest to Amin against all acts of violence that were allegedly the work of the security services.

Not long after this, he was taken away and murdered.
Museveni, whose administration as president took advantage of the mistakes of the previous governments, in 2016 declared the 16th of February a public holiday to commemorate the death of Luwum.

The political intention of Museveni’s move was to keep Amin’s brutality and intolerance alive among Ugandans forever, portraying himself as a tolerant leader to his critics.

In spite of this, Museveni’s leadership is characterized by persecution of religious leaders who disagree with him and those who he thinks pose a threat to his leadership. Since the 90s, the Muslim community have faced the greatest persecution. They have generally been regarded as terrorists and for the past two decades, thousands of Muslims have been arrested over charges of terrorism and treason.

To break the spine of the Muslim community, the Museveni administration sided and gave protection to the Mufti of Uganda, Shaban Ramadhan Mubaje who his subjects accused to abuse of office, corruption and acting contrary to the Islamic faith.

Despite numerous trials to have him stand down, the government has protected him. This has made him servant to the regime and has on several occasions warned fellow Muslims against coitizing the government.

Similarly, the government continues to keep the Anlican, Catholic, Orthodox and other religious clerics under close watch and comprise. Many religious leaders look up to the president for financial support and the president has exploited the opportunity to order them around.

Nevertheless, there has been significant criticism from religious leaders such as Bishop John Baptist Kaggwa (RIP), Archbishop Yona Lwanga (RIP) and Archbishop Cyprian Kizito Lwanga (RIP) among others. Criticism by religious leaders has sparked conflict between church and the state.

The shocking fact, however is the sudden death that religious leaders who condemn Museveni’s repressive rule have suffered.

Museveni has also tapped into the popularity of the Pentecostal churches to which millions of Ugandans subscribe. Pastors, apostles, evangelists and prophets have become conduits and shock absorbers to government brutality and failure to do the bare minimum for citizens.

Pentecostal preachers have to a greater extent succeeded in derailing and diverting people’s attention from what the government has failed to do in terms of employment, infrastructure, health among others to convincing them that all these are acts of Satan.

This is allegedly because many of these churches operate dubiously so they get state protection. As such, people have diverted the energy they would have used to demand for their rights, to fighting Satan.

This situation has brought about complacence and tolerance to the status quo hence extending Museveni rule.Critics have argued that Museveni’s move to commemorate Janan Luwum’s death is to keep current religious leaders in memory that what happened to Luwum is not far from them if they act the way he did.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447551178304

The post Religion: An institution used by dictatorship to massage despotism appeared first on Daily Secrets.

Then unapologetic General (nicknamed the tweeting General) uses sarcasm and seemingly lighthearted statements to communicate to the public his support to the current regime and readiness to “crush” opposition.

General Muhoozi speaks with great authority which has raised questions as to whether his father, General Museveni is still in charge of the country’s security.

Notable among Gen Muhoozi’s posts was a response to the parliamentary committee which summoned him with regard to his behavior on social media, early this year.

The Defense and Internal Affairs committee wanted Muhoozi to explain his involvement in partisan politics following a series of social media posts which the constitution forbids for serving military officers.

Muhoozi rejected the summons and in his unrepentant response, he described legislators as fools and clowns who have no authority to summon him. He said, “I will never appear to the parliamentary clowns. Instead, I will arrest them all”.

Muhoozi’s insults to legislators ignited a discussion regarding the doctrine of separation of power which is a pillar of democracy and rule of law.

It also rubber-stamped allegations that General Museveni and his family have taken over all government entities and lead the country as a family business.

On April 27th this year, Bobi Wine’s bodyguard Edward Sebuufu also known as Eddie Mutwe was abducted by security operatives. Police and the military denied being in possession of him and as tension among NUP, his family and friends escalated,

Muhoozi broke the silencing revealing shocking pictures of a naked and shaven Eddie and confessed that Eddie was in his basement learning Runyankore. Eddie appeared bruised and in great fear which sparked national and international criticism.

The National Unity Platform supporters in Uganda and abroad demanded immediate release of Eddie or be produced to court if he had any case to answer.

Muhoozi unshaken responded by saying he will keep him under torture until his father tells him to release him. He continued posting provocative statements with tribal sentiments.

This was seen by politicians as a deliberate move to incite the public into a tribal warfare which may culminate into a genocide.

In his posts, Muhoozi describes himself as a Munyankore, sometimes a Tutsi, a descendant of the Bachwezi dynasty and explicitly indicates that he comes from a superior tribe which will rule Uganda at the expense of all other tribes.

Eddie was later produced to Masaka court and charged with aggravated robbery alongside three other Bobi Wine bodyguards. In spite of this, the discussion about tribal supremacy, disfranchised and marginalized tribes continues.

The National Unity Platform president Bobi Wine made a formal writing to the Ankole elders and highlighted the likely effects of Muhoozi’s tribal sentiments.

He called upon them to come clean and disassociate themselves with the tweeting General. Although the Ankole elders have not come out as asked, the NUP Ankole supporters have held a demonstration disassociating themselves with Muhoozi’s’ statement and asking him to make a public apology.

The country is waiting for Muhoozi’s next post but fear that his reckless post will one time lead to a major crisis in the country grows day by day.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447551178304

The post Gen Muhoozi’s recklessness likely to lead Uganda into crisis appeared first on Daily Secrets.

The recent controversy surrounding the alleged Shs 100m bribe given to legislators has brought to light the deep-seated corruption in Uganda’s parliament.

The money, reportedly given out by the Speaker of Parliament, Rt Hon Anita Among, was intended to thank legislators for passing the coffee bill and as an advance payment for the UPDF amendment act.

The opposition leader, Hon Joel Senyonyi, released a video showing NRM legislators sneaking into parliament at night to collect the bribe, sparking widespread criticism and public outrage.

The controversy highlights the extent to which corruption has permeated Uganda’s parliament, with legislators more interested in serving their personal interests than those of their constituents. This is not the first time President Museveni has used bribes to achieve his objectives.

In 2017, MPs were given Shs 200m to scrap the presidential age limit, demonstrating the degree of selfishness that legislators have.

Museveni’s letter defending the bribe, claiming it came from the Statehouse supplementary budget, has raised concerns about the president’s increasing interference in parliamentary matters.

This interference has rendered the parliament powerless, undermining the doctrine of separation of powers, which is essential for democratic governance.

The UPDF amendment bill, which seeks to try civilians in military courts, is likely to be passed ahead of the 2026 presidential elections. This move is seen as a ploy to intimidate opposition supporters, particularly those from the National Unity Platform (NUP) party.

Despite the Supreme Court’s recent nullification of the military court’s jurisdiction over civilians, the government is determined to push the bill through.

The NUP opposition party, led by Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, remains resolute in its determination to face off with Museveni in the 2026 elections. However, the increasing corruption and repression in the country have cast a shadow over the future of Uganda’s democracy.

The use of corruption as a tool of repression is a hallmark of Museveni’s regime. By bribing legislators, he has been able to pass brutal and unjust laws, further entrenching his power. The people of Uganda deserve better, and it’s time for change.

The international community must take note of the deteriorating situation in Uganda and hold the government accountable for its actions.

Museveni’s use of corruption as a form of repression is a threat to Uganda’s democracy. The parliament’s inability to function independently has emboldened the president to push through repressive laws. The people of Uganda must demand better from their leaders and fight for their rights.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447551178304

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LONDON. Radio drama, a potent blend of entertainment, education, and cultural preservation, has historically shaped societies worldwide.

In Uganda, its roots trace to the colonial era, when British authorities introduced radio broadcasts in the early 20th century. These early audio plays were not merely entertainment but tools of colonial control, designed to suppress local traditions, propagate foreign values, and mobilize communities for state-driven projects like commercial farming and bulungi bwansi (communal labor).

Post-independence in 1962, radio dramas retained their significance, evolving into a medium for nation-building under Uganda’s fledgling government. Despite the advent of television, radio’s affordability and reach ensured its dominance, particularly through the state-owned Radio Uganda (now the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation- UBC Radio), which monopolized airwaves until the 1990s.

For over three decades, Radio Uganda’s dramas, broadcast in languages like Luganda, Runyakitara, and Luo, became a cultural cornerstone. They addressed themes ranging from public health and civic duty to political awareness, resonating deeply with rural and urban audiences alike.

Among the most iconic was W’okulira (“He Who Cries”), written by Wycliffe Kiyingi. Airing for 20 years, it featured Kadiidi a witty everyman whose struggles and triumphs mirrored those of ordinary Ugandans. The show’s blend of humor and social commentary made it a national treasure, influencing attitudes on issues like HIV/AIDS prevention, gender roles, and civic responsibility.

The 1990s saw a seismic shift as Uganda liberalized its media landscape, allowing private radio stations like Capital FM, Radio Sanyu, CBS FM, Radio Simba, Radio One, and Kaboozi Ku Bbiri to emerge. These stations infused fresh energy into radio drama, producing locally resonant content.

For instance, Radio Simba’s Kooti Lutikko (a courtroom political satire) and CBS FM’s Akiika Embuga (a socio-political allegory) tackled corruption, governance, and cultural erosion, often with biting humor. These dramas cultivated loyal followings, bridging generational divides and sparking public discourse.

However, their success also drew scrutiny, particularly as Uganda’s political climate grew tense under President Museveni’s autocratic National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime.

By the mid-2000s, rising public dissatisfaction with the NRM government triggered a crackdown on media freedom. The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), the state regulator, enforced draconian censorship laws, targeting content deemed “subversive” or critical of authorities.

Radio dramas, with their subtle allegories and mass appeal, were seen as threats. Stations faced fines, temporary closures, or license revocations if dramas allegedly “incited” audiences to demand accountability or protest injustices. For instance, CBS FM was shut down in 2009 after airing content linked to the 2009 Buganda Kingdom unrest, sending shockwaves through the industry.

Fearing financial ruin, private stations—dependent on advertising revenue—began phasing out dramas. Many replaced them with music, call-in shows, or neutral programming that avoided political themes. The loss of this creative space stifled not only artistic expression but also a vital channel for grassroots education.

By the 2010s, radio dramas had dwindled to sporadic NGO-sponsored campaigns, such as health initiatives or voter education drives, which rarely lasted beyond two years due to funding cycles.

Today, radio dramas survive primarily online, with activists and artists uploading politically charged audio plays to platforms like YouTube, Tik Tok and Facebook. Series like Tomorrow is Now, Gasimbagane ne Government (“Let Me Chat with the Government”) critique corruption and advocate for democratic reform.

However, internet access—hampered by high data costs and limited infrastructure—remains a luxury for most Ugandans, particularly in rural areas where radio once thrived.

Despite their decline, radio dramas’ legacy endures. They demonstrated the power of storytelling to unify, educate, and challenge power structures—a potential that persists even in a fractured media landscape.

Their demise underscores broader struggles: the tension between art and authoritarianism, the commodification of public airwaves, and the unmet promise of digital alternatives.

For Uganda to revive this medium, systemic reforms—from loosening censorship to investing in affordable internet—are essential. Until then, the echoes of Kadiidi and Kooti Lutikko serve as reminders of what was lost, and what could still be regained.

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The performing arts industry in Uganda (music, dance and drama) developed gradually since colonial time.

For many years the industry was seen as a sector that harbored spoilt people in society, rendering it one of the most despised professions in the country. This perception was largely built on the code of conduct that performing artists had back in the day.

Most of the artistes were drunkards and lived recklessly.

The industry, however, gained momentum from the mid and late 1990s, when performers at the time managed to put up a successful fight against foreign music especially from  the then Zaire now Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya.

The start of the new millennium saw the coming of the three music giants (Bobi Wine, Bebe Cool and Jose Chameleone) who transformed the industry into the modern and attractive industry that has attracted and employed thousands of Ugandans for the last two decades.

Not forgetting the tremendous contribution of the band music performers such as Ronald Mayinja, Mesach Semakula, Geofrey Lutaaya (now member of parliament Kakuuto on National Unity Platform-NUP card) among others.

In the last decade, the performing arts industry became one of the most attractive sectors where every parent wanted their children to belong.

However, the industry has had a great set back in the past 5 years when Hon Kyagulanyi Robert Sentamu (formerly Bobi Wine) got involved in active politics and put up great opposition to the ruling NRM party.

When he stood for the Kyadondo East parliamentary by election, Kyagulanyi was despised by the prominent political actors but his landslide win opened their eyes.

Many saw potential in him while others envied him. Nevertheless, he continued pursuing his political career and has a musician, he had a big following (fan base) which followed him in politics.

Uganda’s dictator General Museveni started by putting an indefinite ban on him and all his musical performances in 2017. This marked the beginning of the death of the industry because Bobi Wine stayed strong and focused on removing the dictator.

Kyagulanyi’s enthusiasm compelled General Museveni to employ the divide and rule tactic when he embarked on buying out performers to fight Bobi Wine. This was a great blow to the industry which neither the musicians nor the fans saw.

The divisions led to hatred amongst musicians and fans started boycotting and blacklisting their formerly favorite musicians. Social media became a fighting ground, insults, abuses and mockery became apparent. Because performers mainly depend on stage shows to earn, the dictator started giving them money to corrupt their support to him.The People Power Our Power slogan was used to punish whichever. musician sided with the dictator.

The former darlings and crowd pullers such as Ronald Mayinja, Catherine Kusaasira, had to flee the country temporality.

Eddie Kenzo who was the darling of young people became the most hated and criticized musicians. He turned into an NRM advocate and has literally abandoned his career to promote the dictatorship.

Kenzo had for many years represented Uganda in international awards and had won many of them but ever since he sided with the dictator he lost all endorsements and has never been nominated anywhere.

It’s coming to three years and he hasn’t recorded any new song. Bebe Cool who is now an NRM mobilizer has tried to remain consistent in the industry but the public boycotted his music. Jose Chemeleone is also entangled in political woes as he initially supported NRM, then went and supported Bobi Wine but ended up standing as a DP flag bearer. for the Kampala Lord Mayor seat.

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