If you’ve ever wondered what it looks like when a political “guest” overstays their welcome by forty years, welcome to Uganda—the land where President Yoweri K Museveni has been a permanent fixture and the Constitution is more of a light sketch than a blueprint.

The stage is on Thursday set for a clash between a military soundtrack that won’t stop skipping and a high-energy ghetto remix that’s threatening to blow the speakers.

Uganda’s political landscape currently resembles a vintage vinyl record that has been playing the same scratchy tune since 1986.

The DJ, President Yoweri Museveni, has occupied the booth for four decades, convinced that the country cannot continue without his specific brand of “revolutionary” playlist.

Enter Robert Kyagulanyi, better known as Bobi Wine, the “Ghetto President” who trades in the microphone instead of Museveni’s AK-47 and a red beret, suggesting—quite radically—that the country deserves a new track.

For decades, Uganda’s governance system has been a masterclass in staying power. It’s a delicate ecosystem where the Constitution is treated more like a suggestion box than a legal framework.

When the age limit became a pesky hurdle for the incumbent, it was simply airbrushed out of existence.

This is the Dear Governance model: a system so cherished by its beneficiaries that they refuse to let any pesky thing like a term limit or a fair election get in the way of a lifelong lease on State House.

Bobi’s appeal isn’t just in his catchy hooks; it’s in the audacity of being under 70 in a country where the median age is roughly 16, yet the leadership seems to remember the invention of fire.

To the youth, Bobi Wine represents the possibility of a leader who understands that the cloud isn’t just something that brings rain to the cattle corridor.

Militarism is less of a policy and more of a lifestyle brand. Why have a civilian police force when you can have a security apparatus that treats every political rally like a battlefield?

Museveni’s administration has perfected the art of the precautionary arrest, a charming tradition where opposition figures are invited to spend quality time in safe houses or police vans whenever they get too popular.

The human rights record reads like a dark comedy script. With dozens recorded killed by security forces, to the ongoing tales of drones— that whisk citizens away for unauthorized vacation, the message is clear: dissent is a luxury the state cannot afford.

The case of Dr. Kizza Besigye, the perennial protagonist of the opposition who has been arrested more times than a professional stuntman rings. Besigye found himself abducted from Nairobi in November 2024 only to reappear in a Kampala military court, charged with possession of firearms—a classic legal remix for a civilian.

He is joined in the Hall of Famous Detainees by Dr. Sarah Bireete, whose recent arrest just days before the 2026 polls proves that even governance experts aren’t safe from the state’s sudden bouts of “legal curiosity.”

Even environmentalists like Dorothy Asio and the StopEACOP youth activists have been invited to reflect on their love for the planet from behind bars.

There is the small matter of the 9 trillion shillings ($2.4 billion) lost annually to corruption. Public funds don’t just disappear; they perform a sophisticated vanishing act only later to see a policeman helping to bank billions.

Whether it’s money for oxygen during Covid-19 or funds for social services, the system ensures that the cake is eaten before it even leaves the oven.

Bobi Wine’s Natinal Unity platform—11-point manifesto—calls for a New Uganda where accountability isn’t just a word used in donor reports.

His supporters argue that a man who built a career in the ghetto is less likely to see the national treasury as a personal ATM. The choice for Uganda isn’t just between two men; it’s between a geriatric monologue and a youthful dialogue.

While the state warns that one soldier carries 120 bullets, the population is increasingly realizing that one ballot carries the weight of their future.

Electing Kyagulanyi wouldn’t just be a change in leadership; it would be an admission that Uganda is ready to join the 21st century—a century where leaders retire, the police don’t use “nuisance” laws to silence journalism, and the only drones in the sky are the ones taking photos of a country finally breathing on its own.

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LONDON. As Uganda approaches the January 15, 2026, general election, fresh concerns have emerged from opposition leaders, civil society organizations, digital rights advocates, international observers, and citizens over the increasing use of Uganda’s communications regulator to restrict information flow during election periods, a move that undermines the credibility of the forthcoming polls.

Laws, backed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) that criminalize a wide range of digital communications during the electoral period, and the threat of communication blackouts are part of a broader strategy to marginalize dissent, suppress public scrutiny, and pre-empt rejection of electoral outcomes, under the guise of curbing “inflammatory” content and preserving national stability.

At the center of the debate is the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), the statutory body mandated to regulate broadcasting, telecommunications, and online communications. Under President Yoweri Museveni’s long-standing administration, the UCC has repeatedly enforced directives that result in the suspension of social media platforms, internet access, and independent broadcasting during politically sensitive periods.

Uganda’s election cycles in recent years have frequently seen communications clampdowns. During the 2021 presidential election, when President Yoweri Museveni faced strong opposition from pop star-turned-politician Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, the government ordered a sweeping internet blackout that lasted approximately 5 days, affecting journalists, election observers, businesses, and ordinary citizens seeking information about the electoral process.

These measures go beyond security considerations and amount to deliberate efforts to control narratives, limit mobilization, and obstruct independent reporting. Communication blackouts disproportionately affect opposition campaigns, which rely heavily on digital platforms to reach supporters in an environment where state-owned and pro-government media dominate traditional airwaves.

Social media has become a primary arena for campaigning, sharing information, and organising civic engagement, especially among young voters who are less tied to traditional media. The repeated targeting of these platforms has frustrated many Ugandans who view online spaces as critical to transparent political discourse and community mobilisation.

Although local and international groups, Human rights and governance organizations, have warned that communication shutdowns violate the freedom of expression, access to information, and weaken public trust in electoral institutions, General Museveni has always defended the internet blackouts, accusing foreign technology companies of interfering in Uganda’s democratic process with bias in favor of opposition voices.

The Electoral Commission, which is constitutionally mandated to organize elections, lacks independence, as its leadership is appointed by General Museveni and therefore susceptible to executive influence. In this context, restrictions on communication create an environment in which election irregularities can occur with limited public scrutiny.

The narrative that these restrictions are primarily intended to reduce violence or misinformation is misleading. In reality, they are aimed at suppressing mass public opposition and protests arising from contested electoral results. Bobi Wine and his supporters have consistently warned that the regime uses communication blackouts to cut off citizens’ ability to organise, independently verify results, and demand accountability for electoral irregularities.

Public sentiment among many Ugandans reflects deep skepticism toward electoral transparency and the credibility of official results. Despite Museveni’s decades in power, the country’s youthful population views him as out of step with their aspirations, while Bobi Wine has galvanised sections of the electorate with a promise of generational renewal.

Nevertheless, the government and its communication regulatory bodies remain adamant, disregarding the impact of the internet shutdown. The debate continues to intensify as Uganda approaches future electoral cycles. Analysts warn that repeated communication shutdowns risk isolating the country digitally, damaging its international reputation, and discouraging investment in the technology sector. More importantly, they caution that restricting information during elections may deepen political polarization and erode citizens’ confidence in democratic processes.

As pressure mounts from civil society and opposition groups for electoral reforms, calls are growing for clearer legal safeguards to prevent the misuse of regulatory bodies and to guarantee open communication during elections. Whether these calls will translate into policy changes remains uncertain, but the issue is likely to remain a central point of contention in Uganda’s evolving political landscape.

The writer is an advocate for democracy and justice through the arts, media and other platforms
Email: richardlk63@gmail.com
Tel: +447351353725

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Speaking to journalists on Monday night after the President’s rally in Amuru District, Bosco Odoch, a key NRM mobiliser in the northern region, said communities were grateful for Museveni’s visit but urged him to act on “outstanding injustices that have lingered for far too long.”

“The people of Acholi are loyal to the NRM and they appreciate what the government has done,” Odoch said. “But we are also saying clearly — there are unresolved issues that must be handled if the Acholi sub-region is to fully recover. The President has listened before, and now we want him to act.”

Odoch outlined the major concerns that were presented to the President, starting with the long-delayed cattle compensation. Many families, he said, have not yet received payment for animals lost during past conflicts. “Our people have waited for years.

Verification is done, lists are ready, but the money doesn’t reach the real claimants,” Odoch told reporters. “We are asking the President to personally ensure that compensation is paid transparently.”

He also raised concerns about the government’s ongoing effort to remove Balaalo herders from parts of the north, saying the matter needs to be handled with fairness and lawfulness. “The President should guide so that no one is unfairly targeted, and local communities are not left in conflict.”

On the contentious Apaa land dispute, Odoch noted that the people want a permanent solution.

Odoch also mentioned concerns around Aswa Ranch, where residents accuse ranch management of encroachment and destruction of crops. He said the government should clarify ownership and involve locals in future developments on the land.

He called for renewed government attention to victims of historical atrocities such as the Lukodi and Namukora massacres. “The survivors are still crying for justice. These people suffered, and they deserve both recognition and compensation,” he said.

Communities bordering Murchison Falls National Park, Odoch added, continue to suffer from wildlife invasions and delayed compensation for crop and livestock losses. “The Uganda Wildlife Authority should work with the people, not against them,” he said.

Odoch also drew attention to growing frustration among former LRA returnees, many of whom face stigma and poverty despite the amnesty and reintegration programmes. “These people need livelihoods and psychosocial support. Without that, reintegration will remain only on paper,” he said.

On cross-border matters, he said residents along the Uganda–South Sudan frontier are living in fear due to recent clashes and unmarked boundaries. “We have areas where South Sudanese forces have even set up checkpoints inside our territory,” Odoch said. “We want those borders clearly demarcated and peaceful engagement between the two countries.”

Odoch also described how local youth, particularly boda boda riders, are being exploited by credit companies.

“Most of these young men get motorcycles on loan, and they pay for months, even years. But the moment they miss one or two payments, the companies come and take the motorcycle without refunding anything,” he explained.

“That is modern-day exploitation, and we want the President to regulate these credit systems so that people are protected.” During his rally earlier in the day, President Museveni addressed some of these issues.

He reaffirmed government commitment to completing the cattle compensation process, pledged to look into the Apaa land conflict through legal channels, and promised to fast-track development projects in the north.

The President also cautioned financial institutions and loan companies against exploiting citizens, saying government would review existing credit regulations to protect borrowers.

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Kampala, Uganda. As Kawempe North parliamentary by-election descended into chaos, Thursday, the arrests of two opposition lawmakers and multiple journalists—paired with a shocking military crackdown—have laid bare the escalating dangers faced by media workers.

The decision by Nation Media Group Uganda to withdraw Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda journalists from covering the polls, citing targeted attacks by soldiers and plainclothes agents, underscores a grim reality:  journalism has become a life-threatening act of defiance.

Daniel Kalinaki, the Nation Media group’s General Manager, framed the withdrawal as a reluctant survival tactic in a message posted on X.

“Our teams are being hunted, their equipment destroyed, and their lives endangered simply for documenting the truth,” he said.

This retreat marks an ugly situation revealing how far the state will go to silence scrutiny during pivotal political moments.

The Kawempe North by-election, triggered by the death of former MP Mohammed Ssegirinya, was meant to showcase democracy.

Instead, it has become a theater of repression. Heavy military deployment transformed the constituency into a militarized zone, with security forces firing live rounds, lobbing tear gas, and arbitrarily detaining opposition figures and journalists.

Among those arrested were Mawokota MP Kiyaga Hilderman and Bukomansimbi MP and reporters from Daily Monitor and NBS TV held at undisclosed locations. Among many arrested, tortured or missing is Abubaker Lubowa, Tamale Raymond.

Journalists recount being chased by soldiers, cameras smashed, and drones confiscated. “They don’t want the world to see how they’re rigging this election,” said Mikeal Kakumirizi, a photojournalist who fled after being beaten.

The assault on journalists is not new but has intensified under President Yoweri Museveni’s 38-year rule. Once a regional media leader, the country now ranks 132nd out of 180 in Reporters Without Borders’ 2023 Press Freedom Index, below war-torn Sudan.

Laws like the 2016 Computer Misuse Act and 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act are routinely weaponized to criminalize critical reporting. The Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda (HRNJ-U) documented 47 attacks on press personnel in 2023 alone—a 30% increase from 2022.

Independent outlets like Daily Monitor and NTV Uganda are frequent targets.

Journalists face arbitrary arrests, torture, and equipment seizures, while security forces act with impunity.

“The message is clear: toe the line or face consequences,” said Dr. Peter Mwesige of the African Centre for Excellence in.

The risks are existential. Journalists work in constant fear of reprisals—denied accreditation, barred from press briefings, or labeled “enemies of the state” for exposing corruption.

Media houses, meanwhile, face financial suffocation. Government-aligned businesses boycott independent outlets, starving them of ads.

The Kawempe crisis, however, reveals a darker trajectory. By silencing journalists during elections—the cornerstone of democracy—the state ensures skewed narratives and unchecked fraud. A 2023 Afrobarometer survey found 62% of Ugandans distrust electoral institutions, citing biased media coverage. Without transparency, public faith erodes further.

The international community, long silent, must pressure Kampala to end its war on truth-tellers. For now, reporters like those forced out of Kawempe North cling to a fragile hope: that their sacrifice will ignite a reckoning for Uganda’s fading democracy.

Uganda’s 2026 general elections loom as a flashpoint.

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KAMPALA. Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni and commander of the nation’s land forces, escalated his violent rhetoric against opposition leader Bobi Wine on Sunday using the derogatory nickname “Kabobi” to lash the National Unity Platform (NUP) president with crude, militaristic threats.

In a series of social media tirades, Muhoozi vowed to personally assassinate Wine—a former musician turned democracy icon—while mocking him as a “baboon” and a “drug addict.”

The threats, unprecedented in their graphic vulgarity, underscore the regime’s desperation to crush dissent ahead of Uganda’s 2026 elections.

Bobi Wine (real name Robert Kyagulanyi), whose NUP party has galvanized youth-led opposition to Museveni’s 39 year rule, has faced relentless state persecution since nearly defeating the president in the violent, fraud-tainted 2021 polls.

“If Kabobi even thinks of causing any chaos in Uganda, I will personally put a bullet in his baboon head! If he EVEN thinks about it!”, Muhoozi posted on X on Sunday.

Muhoozi, long seen as Museveni’s heir apparent, has increasingly positioned himself as the regime’s attack dog, using social media to threaten critics with death. His latest outbursts, however, mark a stark departure from formal political discourse and a breach to Uganda People’s Defence Forces code of conduct.

On Friday, security agents raided NUP offices at Kamwokya and Kavuke taking away official documents. Police said in a statement they acted on information NUP was training militants.

In his series of X posts on Sunday Gen Muhoozi insinuated he was part of the people who raided NUP.

“I entered Kabobi’s office the other day only to find weed and condoms. The guy is an idiot! Now I’m going to his home! If anyone tries to fight we will KILL!”, Gen Muhoozi wrote.

He added; “I am going to utterly crush Kabobi’s balls.”

Muhoozi has often used the term “Kabobi”—a Swahili slang for grilled meat—mocks Wine’s prior music career and paints him as unserious.

Analysts say that Muhoozi’s claims about discovering “weed and condoms” in Wine’s office echo regime propaganda framing the NUP as morally degenerate.

The threats of lethal force align with Uganda’s security tactics: NUP offices have been routinely raided, and over 50 supporters were killed during 2021 election protests.

Wine, a former MP, has survived multiple assassination attempts, torture, and treason charges. His “People Power” movement, symbolized by red berets, continues to be criminalized.

Muhoozi’s threats now signal a dangerous new phase. By framing Wine as a public enemy warranting extrajudicial murder, he tacitly greenlights state violence.

Analysts warn Muhoozi’s rhetoric exposes the regime’s fear of Wine’s enduring influence. With Museveni, 79, reportedly ailing, Muhoozi is likely burnishing his strongman credentials. Yet his crude threats risk alienating international allies; the U.S. recently sanctioned Ugandan officials over human rights abuses.

As Uganda’s political climate hurtles toward crisis, Muhoozi’s vows to “crush Kabobi” signal not just personal animosity, but a regime willing to shed blood to cling to power.

Muhoozi’s rhetoric reveals the regime’s panic over Wine’s unbroken influence, particularly among Uganda’s youth, 80% of whom are under 30. With Museveni, 79, reportedly ailing, Muhoozi is burnishing his strongman credentials.

Wine responds

Wine took screenshots of Gen Muhoozi posts and alluded that dismissing Muhoozi’s threats ignores his illegal military command- the abductions, torture, and raids that prove he acts on them.

Wine rallied  the world to “stop this rogue regime’s madness. Uganda’s crisis cannot be ignored.”

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